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MUSKETS AND MEDICINE
OR
ARMY LIFE IN THE SIXTIES
BY
CHARLES BENEULYN JOHNSON, M.D.
Ri^ht I nots, most rr.i^hty so-^varir.e.
That all this fainous antiq'je history,
Of some th' abundance of an idle braine
Will judged be, and painted forgery."
PHILADELPHIA
F. A DAVIS COMPANY, Publishers
English Depot
Stanley Phillips, London
1917
MUSKETS AND MEDICINE
OR
ARMY LIFE IN THE SIXTIES
BY
CHARLES BENEULYN JOHNSON, M.D.
"Right I note, most rr.ighty scuvarine.
That all this famous antique history,
Of some th' abundance of an idle braine
■Will judged be, and painted forgery."
Edmu>.-d Spenseh..
PHILADELPHIA
E. A DAVIS COMPANY, Publishers
English Depot
Stanley Phillips, London
1917
TO MY COMRADES WHO WORE THE BLUE,
AND TO OTHER FRIENDS,
SOME OF WHOM WORE THE GRAY,
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED.
CH.\RLES BENEULYN JOHNSON
OCTOBER 8, 1843 - MAY 28, 1928
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PREFACE,
It was the fortune of the author of this volume to live
in one of the Great Eras in the history of this Country —
an Era that brought on the public stage an exceptional
number of Able Statesmen, Em.inent Soldiers, Dis-
tinguished Leaders — and Abraham Lincoln.
It was, furthermore, the author's fortune to bear a
humble part in the Greatest Event of that Great Era;
and of some things pertaining thereto he ventures to
speak in the following pages.
C. B. J.
Champaign, Illinois.
(5)
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PACE
I.— Breaking-out of the Civil War 11
II. — The Civil War, Seen from a Quiet Neighbor-
hood 17
III. — "Six Hundred Thousand More" 2'9
IV. — From Cornfield to Camp 39
V. — From Camp to Enemy's Country 43
VI. — In and About Memphis, Tenn., During the
Winter of 1862-3 54
VII. — The Vicksburg Campaign 66
VIII.— Our First Battle 7S
IX. — Attack on Vicksburg from the South and
East 9^3
X. — Assalt-t and Siege of the Confederate Strong-
hold 102
XI. — Running the Vicksburg Batteries 115
XII.— Personnel of Our Hospital Staff 123
XIII. — Equipment, Work and Some Attaches of Our
Regimental Hospital 129
XIV. — Our Most Efficient Cook and How I Undid
Him 135
XV. — From Vicksburg to New Orleans 139
X\'I.— Soldiering on Bayou Teche 145
XVII. — From the Teche to Texas 152
X\^III. — Some of the More Prevalent Diseases 157
XIX. — The Author Becomes .an Inv.alid 167
XX. — On the Mississippi in 1864 1S5
XXL— Aunt Tilda 190
Contents.
CHAPTER PAGE
XXII. — How THE Soldiers Recer^d their Money and
How Some of Them Got Rid of it 197
XXIII. — Some E\^nts in 1864-5 — Politics and War 201
XXIV.— The Moe._e Campaign— 1865 212
XXV. — Fall of Mobile and the Beginning of the End. 225
XXVI. — A Confederate Mail-bag and a Glimpse at
Some of its Contents 231
XXVII. — Surrender of the Confederate Armies 237~
XXVIII. — Disbanding the Armies 242
Appendix 250
In the Trenchc-s, lSr,l-5.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
FACING PAGE
]n the Trenches, 1861-5 Frontispiece
Thomas W. Hynes, D.D., a Clerical Patriot in the Sixties . . 32
Pocahontas Flag ; Real "Old Glory" 40
General Grant as he looked during the Vicksburg Campaign. 64
U, S. Army Hospital Steamer "D. A. J.anuar>^" 72
Interior of Hospital Boat. Cots made up for reception of
patients 72
Captain Wm. M. Colby, 130th Illinois Volunteers. Mortally
Wounded at Vicksburg, May 22, 1863 104
Miajor George W. Kennard, late Commander of the steamer
"Horizon," which ran the Vicksburg batteries on the
night of April 22, 1863 120
Charles B. Johnson, age 21, Hospital Steward, 130th Illinois
Infantry Volunteers 128
Civil War Hospital Knapsacks 136
Some Civil War Missiles 136
Hospital Ambulance 144
Army Wagon fitted up for carr\'ing wounded 144
Civil War body louse, or "grayback" (Pediculus Vestinienti) .
From picture taken in war time 168
Lieutenant-Colonel John B. Reid, 130th Illinois Infantry
Volunteers 184
Aunt Tilda 200
Springfield Musket, made in America, and one of which the
author carried through the Mobile Campaign in the
Spring of 1865 240
Hospital Steward's Chevrons, worn by author in Civil War
Medical Service; and kind of Bottle from which he
dispensed quinine 240
Private J. W. Januan,^, who amputated his own feet 256
(9)
It
M^-J-
CHAPTER I.
Breaking Out of The Civil War.
'There is a sound of thunder afar,
Storm in the South that darkens the day,
Storm of battle and thunder of war — "
— Tennyson.
The winter of 1860-l-'Vvab 'a- period of anxious, sMici-
tude to the people of the Northern States, for in the
most literal sense, no man knew what an hour would
bring forth. Just before Christmas South Carolina
seceded from the Union, and in this rash act, she was
a little later followed by Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Florida, Louisiana and Texas. In heavy headlines the
papers announced these facts, and, in addition, detailed
the seemingly arrogant methods and inflammatory
speeches of Secession leaders.
Although I was but seventeen years of age, these pro-
ceedings shocked my feelings; for, as a schoolboy, I
had been thrilled by the story of the Revolution and of
the sacrifices made by our Patriot Fathers to finally
establish the Federal Union. Furthermore, my mind had
been thoroughly im-bued with the noble words of Web-
ster, in which he pleaded for the permanence and per-
petuity of that Union. What I felt, however, was
doubtless experienced by thousands of boys north of the
Ohio River, and not a few farther south, who later
yielded up their lives as a sacrifice to this sentiment.
Unfavorable as was the winter of 1860-1 for study, in
consequence of the perturbed state of the countn-, I
(11)
12 Muskets and Medicine.
nevertheless put in my time attending our village school,
and, at its close, crossed its threshold for the last time
as a pupil.
Our little village, which bore the distinction of having
been named after a famed Indian maiden, ^ watched with
intense interest the events of the day. Our location was
nearly twenty miles from the nearest railway station, and
hither a mail-boy went one day with out-going mail-mat-
ter, and returned next day with letters and papers for the
villagers.
As thet tiiDe for the mail-boy's arrival approached men
and boys gathered on the porch-front of the postoffice,
and, as patiently as possible, awaited his coming. Mean-
time, many anxious eyes would watch the road upon
which he would come with his much-prized burden,
papers containing the latest news.
If all went well, the much -looked- for mail-boy would,
in due time, come in sight, and, seeing the waiting crowd,
urge his already jaded horse to a jogging trot. Before
the boy could have time to dismount, one of the two or
three daily papers taken in the village would be seized
upon by someone who would mount a box or barrel and
read aloud the latest news to the anxious listeners.
As the spring of 1861 approached much was said
about the critical situation of Major Anderson at Fort
Moultrie; about the firing upon the steamship Star of
the West, by South Carolinians in Charleston Harbor;
about the right and feasibility^ of coercion by the Na-
tional Government, etc. Finally, when Major Anderson
evacuated Fort Moultrie and occupied Fort Sumter, all
eyes were concentrated on him and his gallant little
band of soldiers.
1 Pocahontas, Bond Count)', Illinois.
Fort Sumter Falls. 13
One day, near the middle of April, t±ie mail-boy came
with a larger-than-usual supply of papers, and these in
extra hea\y headlines had the words : "Fort Sumter
Falls" ; "Heroic Defense of the Garrison" ; "Thirty-six
Hours of Terrific Bombardment!" Then followed sev-
eral columns giving details of the whole dramatic affair,
the gallant defense of the noble Commandant and his
devoted followers.
Very naturally. Major Anderson became the hero of
the hour, and the papers were filled with eulogistic
notices and full details of his individual histor}\ About
this time I inquired of one much older and much wiser
than myself, who, in his judgment, would lead the Union
Armies and be the bright, shining light of the war. The
answer was, "Major Anderson, undoubtedly."
At this time Captain U. S. Grant was filling a menial
place in his father's leather store, at Galena, 111., doubt-
less absolutely ignorant of his latent military genius, and,
in his wildest dreams, not cognizant of the great career
immediately before him.
As to Major Anderson, he was speedily made a
Brigadier-General and given an important command in
Kentucky, but from failing health, later retired from
active service, and soon passed out of public notice.
Immediately upon the fall of Fort Sumter, President
Lincoln issued a call for sevents'-five thousand volun-
teers, and I recall my amazement at what seemed to me
the largeness of this call. As I recalled American his-
tory, the reasons for this state of mind were not far to
seek : The combined army, French and American, at the
Siege of Yorktown, aggregated only sixteen thousand.
Yet this army was the largest and, in every way, the
most complete of any immediately under Washington's
14 Muskets and Medicine.
command during the whole eight years of the Revolu-
tionary War, and compelled the surrender of Lord Corn-
wallis in ten days' time, and thus virtually conquered the
Independence of the American Colonies.
Furthermore, in 1847 General Scott, with only eleven
thousand men, overcame every obstacle, triumphantly
entered the City of Mexico, and thus ended the war with
our Southern neighbor.
But the War of the "Great Rebellion" had continued
only a few months when Lincoln found urgent need far
many more soldiers, and was severely criticised for not
making his first call much larger. That call, by the way,
was for volunteers to serv^e three months, as the belief
at first prevailed that the war would last only a short
time, and conquering the enemy would be merely "a
breakfast-spell," to use a phrase of that period.
The Free States, nineteen in number, responded pat-
riotically, and filled their several quotas with commend-
able promptness. Not so the fifteen Slave States. Even
Delaware, the smallest and most northerly of Slave
States, responded through its Governor by saying that :
"There is no organized militia in the State, and no law
authorizing such organization." A reply that indicated
indifference, if not worse.
Through its Governor, Claiborne F. Jackson, Mis-
souri, another Slave State, pronounced :
"The call illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary;
its objects to be inhuman and diabolical, and would not
be comphed with by Missouri."
Kentucky was a border Slave State and there senti-
ment was divided, nevertheless, Governor Magoffin re-
sponded to the President's call by sa}ang Kentucky
"would furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of sub-
At a Farmhouse in 1861. 15
duing the South." Vain words ! As time went by thou-
sands and thousands of brave Kentuckians volunteered
for this very "wicked purpose," and many of these sealed
their devotion to the Union of their fathers by finding
a grave in the far South.
Bond County, 111., the place of my nativity, promptly
enHsted two companies in response to the call of Richard
Yates, our noble war Governor. As I was but seven-
teen years of age, and at that time the one male member
of the family, I did not volunteer, but instead passed"^
the spring and summer of 1861 peacefully following the
plow.
At the same farmhouse in the early spring were five
young men and boys, ranging in age from seventeen to
twenty-five years, and certainly a jolly, light-hearted,
merry company of young, vigorous, thoughtless human-
ity. Two of the number, Charley and "Ted," were
bright, clear-skinned, good-natured young Englishmen,
with just enough brogue in their speech to make one
listen more intently. Charley, the younger brother, had
black eyes, played the viohn skillfully, was brim full of
fun and was the life, wag and jolliest member of a jolly
"bunch." Jack, a third member, was noted for good
nature and dry wit.
Although we all followed the plow "from sun-up till
sun-down," seldom were we too tired to assemble on the
back porch of evenings after supper, crack jokes, sing
merry songs and listen while Charley played on his violin
such old-time pieces as "Buffalo Girls," "Fisher's
Hornpipe," "Buy a Broom," "Arkansaw Traveler," etc.
Sometimes on these occasions, with the two or three
girls about the house, a dance would be improvised in
the kitchen.
16 Muskets and Medicine.
As time went by each of these five young men joined
the anny, and a brief summary of their subsequent his-
tory may not be uninteresting as illustrative of war's
fortunes.
Charley, the wag, wit and merriest one, was killed at
Belmont, Mo., November 7, 1861, Grant's first battle,
shot through the head with a musket ball. Jack enlisted
in the fall of 1861, and about that time said to me,
"Well, I guess it's all right, kase a feller'l never die till
his time comes anyhow." Poor Jack, his time came at
Atlanta in the late summer of 1864, when a bullet passed
through his neck, killing him instantly.
A fourth member of the farmhouse group, whose
name I do not now recall, in July, 1863, at Jackson,
Miss., had his leg torn off near the body and died from
shock and hemorrhage.
"Ted," brother to Charley, enlisted at the first call in
1861, and four years later was mustered out, much the
worse for his experience, physically.
The fifth and last of the five went through three years
at the front, and is yet alive. Three taken and two left !
Truly, war reaps a terrible han^est.
CHAPTER 11.
The Civil War Seen from a Quiet Neighborhood.
"But when the blast of war blows in our ears
Then imitate the tiger,
Stiffen the sinew^s, summon the blood."
— Shakespeare.
Not many weeks had the war been in progress when
the "powers that be" came to realize that the Southerners
were terribly in earnest, that putting down the RebeUion
was no child's play, and that for its accomplishment there
would be needed a large number of well trained soldiers
and vast sums of money.
Congress convened on July 4, 1861, in extra session,
and in his message to that body President Lincoln rec-
ommended that four hundred thousand men be enrolled
and that four hundred million dollars be appropriated for
war purposes. In response Congress voted five hundred
thousand men and five hundred million dollars.
But while the Washington Government thus came to
have some appreciation of the magnitude of the uprising
in the South, the people at large failed to do so till after
the Battle of Bull Run. This battle, which at the time
seemed so disastrous to the Union cause, occurred July
21, 1861. Ver}^ naturally the newspapers were filled with
the details of this struggle, and a little later some of
them referred to it as "Bully Run," a facetious method
of speaking of the panic which seized the Union soldiers
after the battle.
But Bull Run was really a blessing in disguise, for it
roused the North to a full appreciation of what it had to
(17)
18 Muskets and Medicine.
do in order to save the Union. This battle occurred
almost precisely seven months after the secession of
South Carolina, the event which first "fired the Soutliem
heart" ; and during the whole of 1861 it is, perhaps, not
too much to say that in all that pertains to preparedness,
the South was fully that many mbnths in advance of the
North.
In conversation with a Southern sympathizer, late in
the summer of 1861, I remember urging in; excuse for a
recent Union defeat that our forces were greatly out-
numbered.
"Yes," he replied, "just as they always have been and
are always likely to be in thd future."
During the first months of the Civil War the people
of the West were greatly interested in the progress of
events in Missouri. General Fremont had command of
the Department of Missouri during most of the summer
of 1861, and as he started in with considerable reputa-
tion, the people naturally believed he would accomplish
much and develop into one of the great Civil War lead-
ers. But while it was not perhaps wholly Fremont's
fault, yet he fell short of achieving what w^as expected.
August 10, 1861, was fought the Battle of Wilson's
Creek, near Springfield, Mo., where our forces attacked
and greatly demoralized the enemy, who outnumbered us
three to one. But the Union cause that day sustained
what, at the time, seemed an irreparable loss in the death
of General Lyon, the Commander. After General Lyon's
death the Federals fell back, first to Springfield and later
to Rolla, Mo. General Sigel, upon whom the command
devolved, gained great reputation for the masterly man-
ner in which he brought his little army from where it
was so greatly outnumbered, and in danger of capture.
General Lyons Death. 19
General Lyon's death was very much deplored all over
the loyal North. In his person he seemed to combine
qualities so much needed at that time, qualities that were
clearly lacking in certain ones in high places. His
energy, sagacity and promptness made him a great
favorite in the West, where his deeds gave promise of
a brilliant future, had his life been spared. He first
came in the "lime-light" May 10, 1861, when, as Captain
Lyon of the Regular Army, he promptly seized Camp
Jackson at St. Louis, and thus early saved the contiguous
countr}^ to the Union.
Emboldened by success at other points, secession in
Missouri proposed to make its nest, so to speak, at Camp
Jackson, within the corporate limits of St. Louis ; and in
this nest, early in May, 1861, whole broods of Confed-
erate soldiers w^ere going through the incubation process.
But the Confederate Commandant, General Frost, wh^
possessed only the sagacity of a fledgHng, made a sort of
May-day merr^^-making of drilling, and here came the
city nabobs in their coaches, ladies in carriages, others in
buggies, men on horseback and hundreds afoot.
One day a fat lady in a bugg}', unaccompanied, drove
leisurely all about the camp apparently unconcerned, but
from under "her" bonnet looked the eagle eyes of Cap-
tain Nathaniel Lyon of the United States Army, who
carefully took in the whole situation,
Shortly afterwards, a body of armed soldiers was
marched out to Camp Jackson, halted in front of it,
when their commander, Captain Lyon, demanded and
promptly received the surrender of the Confederate
camp with its twelve hundred embr}^o soldiers.
This bold and sagacious act caused great rejoicing
throughout the West, but especially in such parts of
20 Muskets and Medicine.
Illinois as were tributary to St. Louis. The newspapers
of the day were filled with accounts of the affair, and
Captain Lyon at once came into prominence. But his
career of glory was doomed to be short, as he fell pre-
cisely three months later at Wilson's Creek.
Our little county, as elsewhere stated, furnished two
companies of three months' men at the first call in April,
1861; these, before their time had fully expired,' came
home on furlough, preparatory to entering the three
years' service for which period they had re-enlisted.
Those from our community came walking in from the
railroad station one bright June morning, dressed in their
fresh, new uniforms: Coats of dark or navy blue, with
bright brass buttons, pants light blue, neat caps wdth long
visors, and their blankets of gray woolen, neatly rolled
and thrown gracefully over their shoulders. Thus seen,
''soldiering" looked especially inviting to me, a boy not
yet eighteen.
During the summer of 1861 a man came along and
hired out upon the farm where I was working. He
stated that he was from near Springfield, Mo., where he
had owned a well-stocked farm, but that the countr}^
being overrun by the contending armies ever3^thing had
been "stripped off," and he was glad to get away. His
family had gone to some relatives in Indiana, while he
sought to earn a little money by hard work. He was the
first Union refugee I had seen up to that time.
The Battle of Bull Run in the East, and Wilson's
Creek in the West, w^ere the principal engagements dur-
ing the summer of 1861. I remember anxiously watch-
ing the papers during the summer and autumn of that
year, instinctively hoping to read of the Confederates
Fall of Fort Donelson. 21
being overwhelmed by our forces. But my hopes were
not gratified.
The winter of 1861-2 I spent in a remote and sparsely-
settled section, seven miles from a postoffice, where
papers a week old were not considered stale. Not till
long after it w^as fought, January 19, 1862, Mill Spring,
General Thomas's first battle, was I privileged to read
an account of the whole matter. Here the Confederate
forces were beaten and put to flight, General ZoUicoffer
killed, their lines penetrated and broken, at Bowling
Green.
Even in this early period every neighborhood had one
or more representatives in the anny, and during the win-
ter I remember servdng upon several occasions as amanu-
ensis to some of my friends, who w^ere poor penmen,
answ^ering letters from soldiers at the front.
Towards night, one dreary, foggy day in Februarv^;
1862, the boom of cannon was heard aw^ay off to the
southwest. Next day it was learned that a great victory
had been won. That Fort Donelson, on the Tennessee
River, had fallen. Fifteen thousand Confederates were
reported captured, with all their arms and accoutrements.
The cannonading heard proved to be the firing of^a
National salute at St. Louis, more than forty miles dis-
tant. Meeting a man next day, who had seen the papers
and read an account of the w^hole affair, I inquired the
name of the Union Commander.
The answer was: "General Grant."
"Grant? Grant?" said I. "Never heard of him. Who
is he? What's his rank? Where's he from?"
"Don't know just who he is," w-as the reply, "except
that he is a Brigradier- General and is from Illinois."
22 Muskets and Medicine.
I remember feeling a shade of disappointment at the
time that an entirely new and unknown man should all
at once come into such prominence and, so to speak,
eclipse men with familiar names.
Fort Donelson surrendered February 14, 1862, and it
must have been the evening of February 17 that the
salute was heard. It is unusual for cannonading to be
heard forty miles and more distant, but the damp, heavy
atmosphere of the time, together with the level prairie,
over which the sound wave traversed, had much to do
with the long distance reached.
In singular contrast to this experience was that at
Perryville, October 8, 1862, when, in the afternoon, a
severe and bloody battle was fought by McCook's Corps
of the Army of the Ohio, two and one-half hiiles from
the headquarters of the Commander, but he, notwith-
standing, failed to hear the sound of the battle.
In an article on the Battle of Shiloh, General Buell
expresses surprise that the Commander of the army —
General Grant — should unwittingly permit the foe to
approach ^^^th a large force, encamp over night within
one and one-half miles of his lines and. next morning
attack \yiith a large army ! Not stranger is it, than that an-
other Commander should remain quietly at his headquar-
ters for a whole afternoon in blissful ignorance of the
fact that one wing of his army was engaged in perilous
battle but two and one-half miles distant! But that the
latter circumstance happened Buell himself testifies, and
offers in explanation the peculiar configuration of the
country and the prevalence of a strong wind from his
headquarters toward the corps engaged. War, as well as
peace, has its anomalies.
General McClellan. 23
In the autumn of 1861 the people began to be im-
patient with what w^as deemed the needless inactivity of
the Army of the Potomac under McClellan, and concern-
ing him and that organization the phrase: "All quiet on
the Potomac," first used as an expressive indication of
no demonstration by either friend or foe in Virginia,
came, as the period of inaction lengthened, to have a
satirical meaning.
McClellan, soon after Bull Run, was called to the
command of the Army of the Potomac, and for a time
seemed very popular with the people, and was soon
familiarly called "Little Mac," and a short time after,
the Napoleon of the War. But as the winter drew
near' and the Army of the Potomac made no demonstra-
tion, many began to question McClellan's fitness for high
command, and some even m.ade the remark that he was
the "biggest man never to have done anything on record."
His most excellent ser\'ice in Western Virginia in July,
1861, was for the time forgotten or ignored, and his
great ability as an organizer was not yet understood.
In April, 1862, in the West, all eyes were concentrated
upon the Army of the Tennessee at Pittsburg Landing,
on the Tennessee River. Here, on April 6, 1862, Grant
came near being overwhelmed, and for a time passed
under a shadow of public distrust as dark and fore-
boding as the previous two month's — after the fall of
Forts Henry and Donelson — sunshine of popular ap-
proval and confidence had been warm and cheering.
The 6th of April, 1862, made memorable to me by the
death of a relative, is remembered as a t}'pical April day
— now a cloud, now a shower, now sunshine, a little
wind, a little warm and a little mud, but pleasant withal
and full of the promise of spring. Little did we of the
2'^ Muskets and Medicine.
North know when the sun went down that quiet Sabbath
evening through what peril one of our great armies had
passed.
In the same secluded, sparsely-settled section, seven
miles from a postoffice, where I spent the winter of
1861-2, I also spent the spring and summer of 1862 fol-
lowing the plow, contentedly farming and dreaming of
the college life, which I hoped was near at hand.
About this time, too, I first saw a national bank note. -
The man who had several five- and ten- dollar bills of
this species said they were "legal-tenders." Their bright,
crisp appearance and artistic workmanship were in strik-
ing contrast with the State bank — "wildcat" — currency, up
to that period, the only paper money in circulation. This
State bank money was of such uncertain value that many
of the old-fashioned, but sturdy people, refused to re-
ceive it in payment of dues, and insisted upon having
only gold and silver. Consequently paper money natur-
ally held a lower place in the public esteem than hard
money, the people's name for gold and silver coin.
The National currency soon banished from circulation
the State currency. Gold and silver disappeared from
circulation in 1862, and fractional paper money was
issued by the Government of fifty, twent3^-five, ten, five
and even three cents value.
In the region where I was the daily newspaper was
almost never seen, and even a good weekly but seldom.
However, the neighborhood was by no means deprived
of news, as a citizen, whom we will call Jones, amply
supplied the place of a local paper. This man Jones was
of iniddle age and medium size, of rough-strong build,
had coarse red hair, never wore whiskers, but seldom
shaved oftener than once in a fortnight, hence his face
A Nezvspaper Substitute.
was usually covered with a porcupine-like grow^th of an
uncertain yellowish-red hue, often covered wi\h tobacco
juice, as w^as the front of his brown domestic shirt that
fastened at the neck with a large horn button, but left
a great gaping space of eight or ten inches below, dis-
playing his hairy breast. He wore a pair of brow^n jean
pants, held up by one, sometimes two, "galluses" made
of striped bed-ticking, and in anything like mild weather
had on neither coat nor vest. On his head was the
remnant of a coarse wool hat, his pants invariably short,
failed, when hq was sitting, to meet the tops of his blue
woolen socks and the inter\^al thus left w^as uncovered
by underwear; on his feet, summer and winter, were
coarse brogan shoes, in size about number eleven. In the
eyes of Jones any man who wore anything finer than
Kentucky jeans was proud, and every woman stuck up,
who of Sundays donned anything save a "sun" bonnet.
Jones believed he was just as good as anybody, but fear-
ing others would not think so, took occasion ever}' now
and then to assert the fact.
He probably never missed a meal of victuals in his
life on account of sickness, but when accosted with the
usual "Howdy do, Jones," invariably answered, "only
tolible." His family consisted of a heartv^ wife and some
half-dozen healthy children, but he never would concede
their healthy status, and when asked regarding tlieir
health always answered with some qualified phrase as :
"Turty peart considering," "all stirring when I left,"
"so's to be round," "all about now," "only tolible like,"
"all av'rige but the old woman, she's powerful weak,"
"jist middlin'," etc., etc.
But once seated in your house and having satisfactorily
compromised the health of himself and family, Jones lost
26 Muskets and Medicine.
no further time, but at once be^n unloading his latest
batch of war news.
"Hain't beered 'bout the big fight on the Tenisy/' I
reckon? That Gin'rl tli2.t hop'd (helped) the g-unboats
take tlnem air forts down thar, whar ihey ketched so
many sojers — Donels'n and Henen-, b'lieve they call
'em. I forgit his name — O yes, Granit. ^^'ell, he's got
''whurp'd' (meaning whipped) mighty bad, him and his
army — got his'n all cut up and lots of 'em tuck pris'ner.
"Some's sayin' they reckon he must 'a' been in licker to
git 'whurp'd' that away. They fit t\vo whole days, and
if it hadn't ben for them air gunboats helpin', him and
his whole army ben tuck pris'ner, shore. They are sa3in' :
Tea,rs like Grant's awful lucky gittin' hop'd from, g-un-
boats'."
"The first time he fit a.t a place called Bell s'^imthin'
(Belmont), they (the gunboats) got bum out, then they
done most of the nghtin' at Hener}-, and I reckon bis
of it at Donels'n and this last time they saved his bacon,
shore. 'Pon my .soul, b'heve the South' s goin' to win,
though."
Not long after Shiloh, Island No. 10, in the Mis-
sissippi, with a goodly num.ber of prisoners, surrendered
to General Pope. This, in the ^^'est, was at the time
taken as a s^rt of onset to our failure at Pittsburg Land-
ing, or Shiioh.
Early that spring I remember reading of the now
world -renov,med er_gagement betv\^een the little National
Monitor sjid the huge Confederate iron-clad Mer'-imac.
This eng2.gement in Hampton Roads revolutionized r^val
warfare, and forever did away with unarmored wooden
vessels.
Some Nezv Terms.
The name Monitor, which was aftenA-ard used in a ■
generic sense and appHed to all vessels built after the
same general pattern of the one which so successfully
encountered the Merrima-c, at first sounded strangely,
but by and by became familiar enough.
The war, among other things, brought into general use
a whole brood of peculiar and unfamiliar words. The
first word of this kind to attract attention was secession,
corrupted by many into secesh. Coercion, as applied to
compelling ihe return of seceded Sta.tes, was another
new term. Cordraba-nd was first used by General Builer
when referring to slaves who had come within his lines.
This was an unusually hard word at first, but soon be-
came familiar when whole clouds of contrabands (slaves)
sought freedom under the protection of our armdes.
Refugee was a term applied to such white people as
favored the Union cause, fied from the South, and
sought safety and protection within our lines. Copper-
Jiead was a term used to designate such as openly
opposed the war and yet had their homes in the North.
But while one, who openly opposed the war, was called
a copperhead, one who violently opposed it was called
a Secesh.
After the battle of Pittsburg Landing an im-m.ense
Union army, under General Halleck, concentrated in that
vicinity for the advance on Corinth. Pope's forces had
been ordered thither, and Buell's ^nd Grant's armdes
were there already. Halleck divided his grand army of
over one hundred thousand effective men into right and
left wings, center and reser^'e, com^m^anded respectively
by Pope, Buell, Thomas and McClernand. Poor Grant,
under a cloud after Shiloh, was nominally second in
command, but was really a sort of supemumerar}'.
28 Muskets and Medicine.
The attention of the whole country was concentrated
upon this fine army as it slowly besieged Corinth and
attempted to bag Genera^ Beauregard. But one night,
May 30, 1862, he quietly evacuated, and either destroyed
or carried away everything of value.
The whole story was well told at the time by a cut in
Harper's Weekly, which represented in one picture a
huge hand (Halleck's army) closed, all but the index-
finger, which was reaching to seize a flea (Beauregard's
army), at rest on a plane surface. Just opposite was
another picture which represented the big index-finger
in contact with the plane surface, but the flea (Beaure-
gard's army) was in the air, having, true to its nature,
jumped.
CHAPTER III.
"Six Hundred Thousand More." — Author
Enlists.
"Form ! Form ! Form ! Rifllemen !
Ready, be ready to meet the storm !
Rifllemen ! Rifllemen ! Riflemen form !"
— Teknyson.
About the 1st of April, 1862, the Army of the Poto-
mac, under General McClellan, began the Peninsular
campaign, slowly approaching from Fortress Monroe
towards Riclimond. A month was consumed in the Siege
of Yorktown ; six weeks passed in the sickly swamps of
the Chickahominy, after which McClellan changed his
base to the James River, and then followed the Seven
Days' Battles near Richmond, namely, Mechanicsville,
June 26; Gaines' Mills, June 27 and 28; Savage's Sta-
tion, June 29; Peach, Orchard, June 29; White Oak
Swamp, June 30, and Malvern Hill, July 1. July 2 the
Army of the Potomac retreated to Harrison's Landing,
on the James River, and thus had been accomplished the
"change of base." This costly and humiliating repulse
of McClellan was a sore disappointment to the North,
but knowing the Nation's power, the President issued a
call in the last days of July for 300,000 volunteers,
which, a little later, was increased to 600,000.
Like most others I had all along been greatly inter-
ested in the war's progress, but fifteen month's continu-
ance of the conflict had, in a degree, removed the keen
edge of that interest, and I, all the while, consoled myself
with the idea that there was no need for me to become
(29)
30 Muskets and Medicine.
identified with the conflict in any way personally. The
previous winter I had been teaching and putting in
leisure moments preparing for college. My studies I
tried to prosecute, iiK way, while fanning during the
spring and early summer of 1862, my zeal at times lead-
ing me in hot days, while my horse was resting, to use
the freshly tumed-up earth as a sort of make-shift board
upon which, with a stick, I marked out for demonstra-
tion certain propositions in geometry-.
From the foregoing it w411 be seen that my dreams
were all of the Halls of Learning and not of the Tempk
of Mars, not of fields of strife and blood. These per-
sonal matters are mentioned because it is believed that
many thousands of young men, up to this period, had
aspirations like my owm and bore a similar relation to
the war, and most of these enlisted and thousands of
them .sacrificed their lives on their country's altar.
One day early in August, 1862, having followed the
plow till noon, I came in from the field to dinner and
found at the house a relative who had just arrived with
the information that a war meeting was to be held the
next day at Pocahontas, my home village, ten miles dis-
tant, and that the day previous a war meeting had been
held at Greenville, 111., our county seat, and at which
many of my old friends and schoolmates had enlisted.
Joining the army is not unlike measles, whooping-
cough and even smallpox, for it's catching. Learning
that A., B., C. and D. had volunteered, I henceforth saw
"the light," and straightway resolved to enlist in my
country's service, much as it would mar all my well-laid
plans. With this intent uppermost in my mind I at-
tended the war meeting at Pocahontas, August 9, 1862,
which was held in the shade of a w^hite oak strove.
TJie /nthor Volunteers.
There was a good ai- ^nce and mucli earnes..iess
manifested. The exercises consisted of martial music,
singing of patriotic songs and several eloquent speeches.
One of the speakers was a ruddy-faced, good-looking
Englishman, whose earnestness and eloquent words
made a lasting impression on my mind. He began by
reading in a most impressive manner a poem, then just
published and beginning:
"We are coming Father Abraham, six hundred thousand more,
From Alleghany's rugged heights, from Mississippi's winding
shore" —
These lines are quoted from memory and may be inac-
curate, but it is believed they are substantially correct.
When through reading, the speaker said :
"As most of 3^ou know, I am an Englishman; not a
drop save English blood courses in my veins, and near
to my heart is the memory of dear, merry old England.
Her green, peaceful fields, her happy homes, her thrifty
sons, her broad-chested, manly men; and her rosy-
cheeked, healthy women; wives, sisters, mothers, sweet-
hearts can never, never be forgotten. But much as I
love old England, and proud as I am of the power and
fair name of my native land, I am, today, an American
citizen, and as such, should the English Government see
fit to intervene and take up arms in favor of the South,
I will shoulder my musket and fight against her as long
as there is breath in my body."
The impassioned address of the eloquent Englishman
was intently listened to and heartily cheered by the audi-
ence.
Amid these surroundings and under these patriotic
influences I gave my name to an enrolling officer, and
32 Muskets and Medicine.
for three years thereafter saw service in the Union
Army — service that, though humble, did not end till the
last enemy had surrendered and our National Flag was
permitted to float in peace over every foot of the late
eleven Seceded States — eleven Seceded States that com-
prised the Southern Confederacy, and whose people had
desperately striven to take eleven Stars from the Flag
of our common Country, and with them form the "Stars
and Bars," the emblem of a proposed new government,
whose chief corner-stone was avowed to be human
slavery, but
"Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceed-
ing small,
Though with patience He stands waiting, with exactness He
grinds all."
At this period the war had been in progress a little less
than sixteen months, and regarding the propriety and
justness of the conflict, there were three classes, and of
these the first included all members of the Republican
Party who had elected Abraham Lincoln to the Presi-
dency, and who, to a man, favored a vigorous prosecu-
tion of tlie war.
A second class was vacillating, now favoring the war
and now hesitating, if not, indeed, objecting to its fur-
ther prosecution.
A third class opposed President Lincoln in every move
he made, and became so bitter and so obnoxious that they
were not inaptly called ''Copperheads," the name of a
certain snake whose bite was especially poisonous, and
whose method of attack was cowardly and vicious.
As time went by, the party favoring a vigorous prose-
cution of the war received a very large accession from
•©
, '"'"
•''*' >^£^B^HLv^^^^
>
'i:'mB^
l^'
' Sil^H^^I
^^5
"xc-WbSSS^^^^^^^
I^R
&^mBE^^m
^S
fT^^B^Hp]^^; "'^^B
n
n.n.. a Clerical Patriot in the Sixties
County's (111.) Grand Old Man.
A Clerical Patriot. 33
certain patriotic men who came to be known as "War-
Democrats," a hyphenated term that was especially pap-
ular with Union men in the early sixties.
As to the final outcome, a few people seemed, from
the beginning, to have implicit faith in ultim.ate triumph,
but the great majority were submerged in a sea of doubt
and perplexity.
On July 4, 1861, I attended a Fourth of July celebra-
tion .at Greenville, our county seat, and listened to a
most eloquent and patriotic address from a prominent
clerg}mian. Very naturally the them-e of the spea. * was
the war, upon which the country was just entering, '^e
handled his subject in a masterly manner, and I shall
never forget his closing words: '"'Crowned with a halo
of glorv', the Nation reunited will finally come out of
this fiery ordeal, grander, nobler, stronger than ever
before."
These words were, so to speak, burned into m.y
memory, for they were wonderfully impressive and
seemed to carry with them great w^eight and an inde-
finable sense of dignity and foreknowledge. Yet, in
those trvdng days when ever>^ one was at sea, and clarity
of \new was vouchsafed to few, if any, the prophetic
words of the reverend speaker seemed all but impossible
of fulfillment. However, those were stirring times, and
men's minds underwent prompt and radical changes.
The patriotic and manly course of many leading
Democrats, notably Senator Douglas, in supporting the
Union, and standing by President Lincoln in his efforts
to preserve the integrity of the National Government,
had much to do in making staunch Unionists of many
who, up to that time, had openly opposed the course of
34 Muskets and Medicine.
the Administrationi at Washington, or hesitated in giving
it their allegiance.
The eloquent speaker referred to above was Reverend
Thomas W. Hynes, of Greenville, III, who was born in
Kentucky and lived there till he was fifteen years of age,
when he came North. He was a forceful speaker, with
a rich, sonorous voice, and a suave, dignified gentleman,
who, in his bearing and every-day life, represented the
highest type of the true Christian gentleman.
Having been born and reared in a slave-environment
he knew the wrongs and evils of the slave system, and
when, in the fifties, the attempt was made to contaminate
the free prairies of Kansas with siave labor. Reverend
Mr. Hynes was a modest, but integral part of the great
upheaval north of the Ohio River that finally engulfed
the threatening movement on the part of the ultra South-
em leaders.
His three sons were in the Union Army, and one of
them fell at Vicksburg, where he now fills a soldier's
honored grave.
Among those who left their homes in the South on
account of their dislike to slavery and came to the west-
em wilderness in Illinois, while it was yet a territory,
was my grandfather, Charles Johnson, who raised a large
family, and when the Civil War came on not one of his
descendants, who was of suitable age and physically fit,
failed to enlist, and one of them gave up his life at
Chickamauga.
But what was true of these two patriots was true of
thousands and thousands of Southern-bom men in
Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, among whom Abraham Lin-
coln was the great prototype, and who, when the terrible
crisis came in the early sixties, stood like a wall of
Some Embryo Soldiers. 35
adamant for the integrity of the Federal Government.
Indeed, the part borne by these stalwart Unionists of
Soutliern birth and descent was so weighty that it really
turned the scales and, in the final reckoning, made the
preservation of the Union possible. What a theme for
a volume would the work of these men afford ! These
stalwarts loved the sunny Southland, but they loved the
Union more. Among the last-named were Generals
Scott, Thomas, Logan, Hurlburt, Commodore Farragut
and scores of other great Civil War leaders.
Under Lincoln's call for 600,000 volunteers in July a. 1
August, 1862, two full companies were enlisted in my
little native County of Band, which came to be noted for
its patriotism. During the month of August and early
days of September these volunteers rendezvoused at
Greenville, our County Seat, a quiet old-time village
of about fifteen hundred inhabitants, and twenty miles
distant from the nearest railway station. Here we were
billeted, or quartered, at the two village taverns.
Very many of the two hundred young men composing
these two companies were fine, stalwart fellows, whose
bronzed faces showed the healthy traces of the sun's rays
under which they had followed the plow during the cul-
tivating season, then just over; though when I enlisted
I let go the handles of the plow and left it sticking in
the furrow. Most of us were under twenty-five years of
age — a great many, indeed, under twenty — and a jolly,
rollicking bunch we were, but, almost to a man, all were
staunch, of sterling worth, and were members of the best
families in the county. One night a number of us went
out in the country two or three miles, if I remember cor-
rectly, in quest of watermelons, but whether or not we
found them, I do not now recall, but one experience of
36 Muskets and Medicine.
that summer night I shall never forget, We took with
us a supply of cigars for those who were already
smokers, and those who were not yet smokers, alike.
Those of us who had not before learned to smoke had
become impressed with the idea that we never could
become real, true soldiers till we added this last to our
list of accomplishments. Once before I had tried to
smoke, but my efforts ended in a severe attack of vomit-
ing. This night, however, notwithstanding my former
failure, I resolved to make one more heroic effort to
acquire the smoking habit, but, much to my dismay and-
chagrin, soon after inhaling the smoke of about half a
cigar I was seized with a violent attack of sick stomach
and vomiting which made me so weak that I was hardly
able to get back to our stopping place. This apparent
failure of fifty-odd years ago I have long since come to
regard as one of the decidedly fortunate occurrences of
my life, for it kept me from acquiring a costly and ques-
tionable habit.
At the village taverns, beds for all could, of course,
not be had, consequently we slept on lounges, benches,
carpets, bare floors; indeed, on almost any smooth sur-
face that was under shelter. It goes without saying
that we all had fine appetities, the demands of which
severely taxed the tavern larders.
So passed the remainder of August and the early days
of September, when one day an order came for us to
rendezvous at Belleville, 111., a small city, forty miles
away.
One moonless night in August, a little time before we
left Greenville, our company was drawn up in front of
the Court House to receive a beautiful flag, a present
from the women whose husbands, brothers, sons and
A Flao- is Given Us.
sweethearts were soon to see sen-ice at the front. Two
or three tallow candles furnished a flickering uncertain
light, under whose dim rays a Miss Smith, a beautiful
young woman, mounted the Court House steps, and in
a few well chosen words, spoken in a sweet voice, pre-
sented the flag. John B. Reid, then the Captain of the
company in which I had enlisted, responded briefly and
appropriately.
The flag was made of fine silk and most beautiful were
its seven stripes of red, six of snowy white and delicate
field of blue, studded -vith thirty-four im.maculate stars,
representing as many States, although eleven of these
were making war upon this flag and all k '^od for.
After the fair young maiden had spoken her few
words and the captain had responded, the flag w-as un-
furled three rousing cheers were given, and ever}' man
silently resolved, if need be, to give his life for the pre-
servation of this noble emblem.
This flag we took with us when we went to the
enemy's countn.^, but unfortunately, during our various
marches and transfers from one to another locality, it
was misplaced, and never afterward found. Thus it
came about that not one of us was given opportunity to
"die for its preservation.''
In this same month of August, 1862, another beautiful
Bond County flag, the handiwork of the wives, sisters,
mothers and sweethearts of the newly-enlisted men, was
made at Pocahontas, my native village, and by one of its
fair maidens. Miss Sarah Green, presented to an organi-
zation that later became Company E, 130th Illinois
Infantry Volunteers. In due time this Pocahontas flag
was carried to the enemy's country, and by his bullets its
folds were more than once pierced during the Siege of
38 Muskets and Medicine.
Vicksburg. The war over, the flag was returned to the
people from whence it came, and is today a highly cher-
ished relic in the care of J, W. Miles, a Civil War
veteran of Pocahontas.
Most certainly this shot-pierced, home-made flag, old
and tattered by more than a half century's history, is
well and unquestionably entitled to be called "Old
Glory."
The Pocahontas flag is only one of many, many thou-
sands, that were given to outgoing volunteers by patriotic
women whose prayers and hopes followed their loved "
ones wheresoever duty called them. But, sad to say, the
great majority of the flags of this class are from one
cause or another, no longer in existence; hence, the pos-
sessors of the Pocahontas "Old Glory" have reason to
congratulate themselves over their exceptional good for-
tune.
To the non-military reader it may be well to say that
the State furnished every newly-organized regiment a
flag which became its recognized standard. In review,
on parade, on all public occasions and in battle, this flag
was unfurled, and borne at the head of the regiment by
the color-bearer. In the event the flag was lost or de-
stroyed, the State, as promptly as possible, furnished!
another one.
Finally, when the term of service ended and the regi-
ment was mustered out, its flag reverted to the State, and
was supposed to be ever after cared for.
Thus it will be seen that regimental flags are in a class
to themselves, and, as such, cannot be claimed by individ-
uals nor by communities.
CHAPTER IV.
From Corn Field to Camp.
"The fields are ravished of th' industrious swains."
—Pope.
In the latter part of August, 1862, while men all over
the North were, in thousands, cheerfully responding to
President Lincoln's latest and largest' call for troops,
General Pope was seriously defeated in Northern Vir-
ginia, and with his a^rmy had fallen bac^' on the defenses
of Washington.
A little later, about the middle of September, these
reverses were, in part, retrieved by the same troops
under McClellan at South Mountain and Antietam. All
this occurred while the two companies from Bond
County were yet in citizens' dress and eating the food of
civil life. Already, however, each volunteer had taken
an oath before a justice of the peace to support the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States.
The round of routine at Greenville, eating, sleeping,
drilling, etc. — the county seat of little Bond — was va^ried
one evening by a social gathering in the audience
room of the Court House, at which all the soldiers and
miany citizens and ladies were present. Some good vocal
music was rendered, and one soloist. Miss Lucy White,
daughter of President White, of Almira College, sang
with much effect a selection, then just published, in
which are the words :
'■'Brave boys are they, gone at their country's call,
And yet, and yet, we cannot forget that manv brave boys must
fall."
(39)
40 Muskets and Medicine.
If I remember correctly, these two lines were a sort
of refrain at the end of each verse, and the words, "must
fall," sounded to me especially doleful — so doleful that
I could not enter into the cheery character that it was
intended the gathering should assume, and, at its close,
the words, "must fall," rang in my ears till I felt almost
sure I was destined to die on some Southern battlefield.
However, next morning's sunshine dissipated all my
gloomy forebodings and my boyish vigor and innate op-
timism caused me to take a cheerful view of the future —
a view that time has justified, for, since that social gath-
ering in the Court House, fifty-four long years have run-
their course, and of those assembled on that August
night, I am one of the few left to tell the story.
Miss White's solo, doleful 'as it seemed, was not with-
out its good effect, for even the most thoughtless among
us was made to think seriously of the new and danger-
ous duties upon which we were about to enter.
As elsewhere noted, an order had been received from
the State Capital at Springfield, directing the two Bond
County companies to rendezvous at Belleville, III, about
forty miles away and not far from St. Louis,
As the time for departure drew near, every man visited
his home, made his final arrangements, said farew^ell to
his friends, and then joined his comrades at Greenville.
But sad and tearful was this farewell, as father,
mother, brother, sister, wife, or sweetheart, took the
parting one by the hand, none knowing how soon he
would fall in the frightful death-harvest a great devas-
tating war was tYtry hour reaping.
At the appointed time friends, neighbors and relatives
came with farm wagons and, early one beautiful Septem-
Pocalu.iitas Flag; Real "Old Glory.'
First Home-leaving. ^1
ber morning, the vehicles were loaded with hearty speci-
mens of young manhood, all ideal "cannon-food," and
the journey over a dusty road to the nearest -ailway sta-
tion, twenty miles away at Carlyle, was begun.
Three or four miles on the road was a hill where we,
for some cause, halted for a time. From here I remem-
ber taking a look at the Court House, about which we
had been drilling for several weeks, and whose friendly
roof had sheltered us from rain and sun alike, and as
its familiar outline loomed up in the morning's sun I
wondered if I should ever again look upon it.
About noon we reached Carlyle, on what was then
known as the Ohio 8z Mississippi Railroad, now the
Baltimore & Ohio Railway, and soon a west-bound train
came in and we all went aboard. And will the reader
believe it, to many of us this experience was absolutely
new, for I, in common with most of m^y comrades, had
never before be. inside a railway coach ! To satisfy
any reader who i. y be in a wondering mood, let it be
•said that a half ct ,tury ago railways were ver}' much
fewer, and railway travel vastly less, than now.
After going west on the train for about twenty-five
miles we got off, detrained as we say today, at O'Fallon
and marched in a southwesterly direction till we came
to Belleville, seven miles distant. The afternoon was
hot, the roads dusty, and I remember suffering much dis-
comfort from a pair of tight-fitting shoes I had bought
the day previous. Before we reached Belleville my dis-
comfort amounted to almost torture, and for this reason
I look back upon this initial march of only seven miles
as one of the hardest and most uncomfortable I was
called upon to make during my whole three years' service.
42 Muskets and Medicine.
Arrived at Belleville, we were directed to the Fair
Grounds where, under the board roofs of horse and cat-
tle stalls, we found quarters. An abundance of clean,
bright straw had been provided, upon which the blankets
and quilts were spread, which last we had t rought from
our homes, and thus we arranged for our first night's
sleep in the new career before Us. The grounds were
inclosed with a high, tight fence, and within were groves
of shade trees and green, thrifty grass. The September
weather was delightful, and the novelty of the new situa- -
tion and way of living was most enjoyable.
However, there was one drawback; meals were taken
at the several boarding houses in the city, and as these
were substantially all run by Germans, Belleville being
largely populated with people of that nationality, the
taste and fumes of garlic seemed to permeate every arti-
cle of food on the table. It was, of course, in all the
meats, in many of the vegetables; but every man would
have taken oath that it was in the bread and butter, if
indeed, not in the coffee and sugar as well.
Strange as it may seem to the more advanced sani-
tarians of today, we all suffered from severe colds not
long after we began sleeping out, and the exposure in-
curred in this w^ay was assigned as the cause.
At the end of about ten days we were ordered to Camp
Butler, near Springfield. We boarded a train for St.
Louis, and arriving there, went by steamboat to Alton,
111., and here, sometime after nightfall, we climbed on
coal cars, entrained, and found seats on boards which
were put across from side to side. We found the ride
anything but pleasant, those sitting near the outer edge
seemed in constant danger of falling overboard, and the
We Arrive at Camp Butler. 43
smoke, cinders and sparks were tormenting in the ex-
treme.
Some time in the "wee-small" hours we arrived at
Springfield and got off, detrained, at the Alton & Chi-
cago Railway station. Meantime, a drizzling rain began
to fall, and the men found shelter as best they could.
With a companion I found this in the open vestibule of
a church a little south of the station. Next moaning we
got breakfast at one of the cheaper hotels, and this was
destined to be one of our very last meals eaten from
dishes placed on a white tablecloth.
During the forenoon several of us visited the home of
President Lincoln and picked some flowers from the
front yard and sent them home in letters.
Near noon time we boarded a train on the Wabash
Railway for Camp Butler, seven miles east of Spring-
field. On this train was Major General John C. Fre-
mont, in full uniform, and we all took a good look at
him, as he was the first officer of high rank we had seen.
He was a man of medium stature, and wore rather light
sandy whiskers. This last was a surprise to me, for
when he was candidate for President in 1856 he was
represented as heavily whiskered, so heavily, indeed, that
he won tl sobriquet of "Wooly Horse."
Arrive at Camp Butler we detrained and passed
through gate near the railway, guarded by a uni-
formed soldier with a gun in his hands, and entered an
enclosure of about forty acres, surrounded by a high,
tight board fence. Along two sides of this enclosure
were rows of long, narrow buildings, which were knov.Ti
as barracks. At one end was the office of the Post Com-
mandant, and nearby, the Commissar}^ and Quarterma'S-
ter's Department. At the other end was the Hospital,
44 Muskets and Medicine.
Guard-House, Sutler's Store, etc. In the center was a
large open space, used as a drill-ground. In the middle
of the rear end, as at the front, was a large gate for
teamis to pass through, and beside it a smaller one, for
the egress and ingress of the men ; both were guarded
by an armed soldier, and no one could go out without a
pass signed by the Post Commandant.
A company was assigned to each of the long, narrow
buildings, which we soon learned to familiarly call bar-
racks. This had at one end a kitchen and store-rooms
and at the other end two or three small apartments for
the officers. Through the center of the main room ran
a long table made of rough boards, and from which all
ate. At the sides of this main room were box-like struc-
tures, open in front, having tiers of boards upon which
two men slept side by side. These we called bunks.
Thus it was that our long, narrow barracks were not
unlike a sleeping-car and dining-car combined. The
barracks were made of rough boards put on "up-and-
down," with no ceiling overhead save the shingle roof,
and windows and doors were few, purposely, to save
space.
Here began the crude, coarse fare of soldier life. Ra-
tions in abundance and of essential good quality were
supplied, but their preparation lacked the skilled, delicate
hand of woman ; but of this more hereafter.
Not long after reaching Camp Butler I was attacked
with ague, and for this the Post Surgeon very properly
prescribed quinine. The hospital steward gave me six
powders of that drug, put up in as many papers, and, as
the bitter taste of quinine was especially repugnant to
me, I cast about for some means to overcome this, and
in the end could think of no better plan than the one I
Not Appendicitis. 45
had seen my mother put in use. In seeking to carry this
out I called on the Sutler and paid him five cents for an
especialTy-^-mellow apple, and some of the scrapings of
this I placed in the bottom of an iron spoon which I bor-
rowed from one of the cooks, thus forming layer No. 1.
On this I put the contents of one paper, forming layer
No. 2, tlien over all I put some more apple scraping,
forming layer No. 3. So far all went well, but ^unfor-
tunately all went lurong when I attempted to swallow^ the
bolus ; for I got the upper layer of apple and about two-
thirds of the quinine and all its horrid taste, as this was,
no doubt, added to by the acid in the apple. Just how
I managed to take the remainder of the powders I do
not now recall, but, in any event, I made a prompt
recovery from my ag-je.
Some weeks after this I was attacked with a terrible
pain in the bowels, and, as it was in the middle of the
night, one of my comirades went for the Post Surgeon,
who prescribed paregoric, which nnally brought relief
after several doses' had been taken. Unfortunately for
my more speedy relief, the hypodenmic syringe had not
yet come in use ; but fortunately, perhaps, for my
permanent peace .nd comfort, appendicitis had not yet
taken its place ii :he category of distinct disease entities,
and consequently the operation of appendectomy had not
yet been devised. Had there been recognized such a dis-
ease as appendicitis, or had there been such an operation
as appendectomy, the outcome might have been altogether
different. I was a vigorous youth, suitering with agoniz-
ing pain in the classic region of McBurney's Point. My
medical adviser w^as recently out of school, and w^as pos-
sessed of an aggressive make-up. Had it been p>ossible
to project the situation a generation into the future, this
46 Muskets and Medicine.
stor}^ might have had a different ending, and I might not
be here to tell it ; or I might be wearing a certain cross-
abdomen slash, so to speak, familiar to modern surgeons.
But as things were, in that autumn day in 1862, my
case was diagnosed colic, or, in plain English, "belly-
ache," an old-time, old-fashioned, honest disease that
appendectomists have nearly, or quite, crowded out of
the category of human ailments.
Doubtless, my trouble was due to an attack of acute
indigestion, in turn due to too many amateur cooks
(among whom I had been one) in our barrack kitchen.
As said before, we received an abundance of good
rations, but we did not know how to cook them. Each
day two men were detailed from the company to do duty
in the kitchen. These, the first day, served as, assistants
to two other men who but the day previous were them-
selves assistants, and with the ripe experience gained in
one day's apprenticeship, were now full-fledged cooks,
and capable of instructing the uninitiated.
Little wonder is it that, with these constant changes in
the kitchen, the food was at nearly all times ill pre-
pared, and chance too often an important factor in the
results obtained. For illustration, meat which was placed
in the oven to roast, from the presence of too much fat
turned out a fry, and beef put in the kettle to boil, from
the absence of w^ater at a critical stage, would be baked
instead, if indeed it w^as not hopelessly burned.
Potatoes were almost never properly cooked, even
when apparently well done, a raw core would frequently
be found in the center. Coftee was, at times, only a
little stronger than water, at others it was Hke lye.
But rice, white beans and dried apples gave the ama-
teur cooks the most trouble. In cooking these the novice
Amateur Cooking. 47
would invariably fill the camp kettle, a large sheet-iron
vessel, holding two or more gallons, with one of these
articles, and then pour inj water and set it over the fire.
In a little time the beans or dried apples would begin to
swell and run over the sides of the vessel ; meantime, the
new cook would dip out the contents and put them in
another vessel ; the swelling process continued, the dip-
ping proceeded, till a second vessel was as full as the
first, and there seemed to be enough for two or three
companies instead of only one.
Good cook stoves and serviceable utensils were fur-
nished by the Government, in addition to rations in
abundance and of exceptional quality. The lame factor
was in the food's preparation. Had it been possible for
the Government to have supplied newly-enlisted com-
panies with good cooks till others could have been
trained, an untold amount of sickness would have been
prevented, and many graves would have remained un-
filled, not to speak of the many thousands who were dis-
charged from the service by reason of ailments due to
ill-prepared food.
CHAPTER V.
From Camp to The Enemy's Country.
"The flags of war like storm-birds fly,
The charging trumpets blow;
Yet rolls no thunder in the sky,
No earthquake strikes below."
— Whittier.
As most of us were from the farms where we had
been used to absolute freedom, the confinement imposed
on us at Camp Butler soon became very monotonous and
irksome. Indeed, it seemed little short of being confined
in prison. To reheve the monotony we occasionally
secured a pass from the Post Commandant and visited
the world outside the enclosure, Once or twice we went
to Springfield, at other times we spent some hours in the
nearby woods, and at others w^e roamed over and through
the fields of growing corn.
In the autumn of 1862 a great many newly-enlisted
men were sent to Camp Butler for drill and organiza-
tion; and these came in squads, companies and even
regiments, always, however, unarmed, undrilled and not
uniformed. In these men a few days' time worked a
wonderful transformation. One regiment in particular
I recall as presenting the most motley appearance imagin-
able. Brown jeans w^as the prevailing dress, but every
conceivable cut of coat and st)de of hat could be seen,
and all, from colonel dovni, w^ere slouchy in attire, and
awkward and ungainly in manner and appearance. A
few weeks later the same body of men marched out of
Camp Butler to take the cars on the V^^abash Railway at
(48)
Life in the Barracks. 49
the front gate of the enclosure bound for the front and
the firing-line; but, what a change! Every man was
dressed in a new well-fitting uniform, had on his shoulder
a bright new musket that glistened in the sunlight, and
moved with firm, elastic step. The whole regiment
marched with machine-like precision, and kept step with
the r}lhmic strains of the band at its head.
In front of the Post Commandant's headquarters at
Camp Butler was a flagpole, upon which early each
m.orning was run up the Stars and Stripes, that were
taken down again when night approached. Here, also,
was a cannon that was fired every night at sunset and
every morning at sunrise.
To keep the men from climbing over the fence a chain
of guards was posted next to it all around. These were
armed with old anny muskets of the Harper's Ferry
pattern, that were utterly harmless, all being in some
way defective. But armed with one of these, given tlie
■countersign and put on his "beat," perhaps, betv^^een a
hickory tree and a white oak stump, the new soldier felt
all the dignity of his position by day and the full weight
of his responsibilities at night. At this period words
from the Eastern army were most in^ favor for counter-
sign, such as "Burnside," "Kearney," 'Tlooker," "Chick-
ahominy," "Potomac," "Rappaliannock," etc.
After night the guard allowed no one to approach.,
without challenge, when, if the party purported to be a
friend, he was required to whisper the countersign over
the musket's length with bayonet attached.
Before regimental organization had been perfected I,
with two comrades, procured a furlough to visit home
for a few days,. We arrived by rail within twenty miles
of our destination at 9 p.m. Time was limited, so it was
4
50 Muskets and Medicine.
resolved to foot it home that very night. After walking
about five hours, the home of one of the party in the
country was reached, and to save time and get to sleep
as soon as possible, it was decided to slip in the house
quietly and go to bed at once. Accordingly, guided by
the comrade w^hose family occupied the house, all were
soon disposed of, and being exceedingly weary, quickly
went to sleep. I occupied the front of one bed and one
of my comrades the back. All slept late, and at the
breakfast table the next morning the lady of the house,
a matronly woman, said to me:
"Didn't know I kissed you awhile ago, did you?
Well," she continued, "I went into the spare room and
first thing I saw w'as soldier's clothes, and on the pillow
I saw a face which I thought w^as my Fielding's, and you
better believe I gave it one good kiss. But I don't care,
it was a soldier, any way!"
Blessed be the memory of her patriotic heart ; before
the war ended, four of her sons lost their lives in their
country's service. Not many sacrificed so much; aye,
few gave so much to sustain the Nation's life, even in
those troublous times, when sacrifice and patriotic gifts
w^ere so common. After a few days spent most pleas-
antly at home I returned to my company at Camp Butler.
Newly-formed regiments of men were outside, and all
about the enclosure at Camp Butler, encamped in tents.
After staying in the barracks about two months I re-
member being detailed for guard duty one beautiful
Sabbath day. Guard duty necessitated a soldier's absence
from his quarters for twenty-four hours, though he
would actually be on his beat with musket in hand "but
one-third of the time, two hours out of every six. TV
time referred to, my two hours for duty, came just be-
A Teuton Drill-master. 51
fore daylight Monday morning. Looking through the
fence about sunrise, where a regiment was encamped just
outside, several groups were seen eating breakfast, and
these were not composed wholly of men, but were made
up of women, girls and children as well. Looking closer,
it was seen that they were eating fried chicken, turkey,
cake, pie, freshly-baked bread and good butter, biscuit
and doughnuts. By this time the man on the next beat
had joined me, and the effect the scene had upon the
two soldiers within the enclosure can never be appre-
ciated by the reader who has not had a similar experi-
ence. The wives, sisters and children of these more for-
tunate soldiers had evidently come to spend a season
with their friends, and had brought such eatables as they
knew would be appreciated, for the time had thus liter-
ally transferred home-life to camp.
Late in October, ten companies, including the one to
which I belonged, were mustered into the United States
service as the 130th Illinois Infantry Volunteers. The
afternoon was cold and raw, and the ceremony was not
enjoyed. Next morning was bright and warm, and the
newly-formed regiment was formed in line, when the
Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel and Major each made a
short speech.
The new organization was at once put under a Dutch
drillmaster, a short, little fellow, with a red face, sandy
moustache and goatee. He wore a cap, a blue blouse
and a sword that dragged the lower end of its scabbard
on the ground. He gave his commands in quick, ner^'ous,
broken English : "Tenyan, 'Pitalyan ! Fa'rd I\Iarch ! By
Goompanies, Right 'Veel!" (Attention Battalion! For-
ward March! By Companies, Right Wheel!) When the
evolutions of the green regiment were faulty, it was
52 Muskets and Medicine.
amusing to hear the scolding in broken EngHsh from the
drillmaster.
Pretty soon the regiment received its arms, Austrian
rifled-muskets ; these, with cartridge boxes containing the
ammunition, canteens in which to carr}^ water, haver-
sacks (pouches made of hea^^ cotton goods for rations),
knapsacks and blankets, fully equipped the command.
Furthermore, each man received his uniform of regula-
tion blue. Not long after the regiment became fully
equipped orders came for it to report at Memphis, Tenn. "
One cold rainy evening the cars were taken on the
Wabash Railway at our front gate, and after a cheerless
ride, St. Louis was reached, where transportation down
the river was procured on the steamboat General Robert
Allen, the meanest old hulk afloat.
The trip was exceedingly tedious, water in the river
was at a low stage, and the old boat frequently ran
aground, but with the help of spars put upon either side
the bow, and hoisting apparatus, always managed to
again get underway.
One evening the boat tied up on the Arkansas shore;
it being a section said to^ be infested by bands of armed
rebels, night navigation was deemed perilous. The regi-
ment was marched ashore, where nothing was found save
a rude log structure, said to have been used before the
war as a store.
The region was heavily timbered, with also a dense
growth of underbrush, but much of it had a strange
appearance, nearly everything being yet in leaf. Being"
in the enemy's countr}^, a strong picket-guard was thrown
out. The writer's company, with another, was detailed
on this duty. The men were marched out the distance
of a mile from the regiment, broken up in squads of
A Lono- Whistle.
o
four, and wilH freshly loaded guns, awaited any cause
for alaTm. There was no disturbance, but being in the
enemy's country was an entirely new experience, and
though there may not have been an armed Confederate
within fifty miles, it is safe to say that in the whole regi-
ment but few eyes dosed that night in sleep.
Six months later, so inured had most of us become to
war's alarms, that sweet and refreshing sleep was often
taken directly under fire. The next day was Sunday, and
about noon the old boat was again boarded and the jour-
ney resumed.
A m^an belonging to the regiment died not long after
leaving St. Louis ; the carpenter of the boat mxade a pine
coffin in which the body was placed and taken to Mem.-
phis. At this period a death in the commxand made some-
thing of a sensation, but all were soon to become xtry
familiar with this ''King of Terrors."
As the journey down the river continued, chimneys
standing alone and cheerless, the houses having been
burned, became familiar objects.
The lights from Memphis came in sight one evening,
and the old boat began to whistle, but from some de-
rangement in the "shut off" the noise could not be
stopped; consequently, after the landing was m^ade and
the boat tied up the whistle blew as long as the supply
of steam in the boilers lasted. For a go-od while the
night was miade hideous, and the ears of all tortured by
the screeching whistle of the old boat, but this was a iit
ending to the tedious and dangerous trip on the crazy
old craft. The Quartermaster of the regiment, however,
became m^uch the wiser from this experience, and never
again had such transportation put upon him.
CHAPTER VI.
In and About Memphis During The Winter
OF 1862-3.
"Before the battle joins afar
The field yet glitters with the pomp of war."
— Dryden.
Fort Pillow, in the Mississippi, was evacuated June
4, 1862, after which the National fleet dropped down the
river, and at early dawn June 6, under Commodore
Davis, attacked the Confederate flotilla lying in, front of
Memphis, Tenn.
The result was a complete Union victory. Of the
eight vessels composing the Confederate fleet, three were
destroyed, four captured, and only one, the Van Dorn,
es.caped. During the engagement the bluff at Memphis
v^as lined with spectators. At 11 a.m. the city sur-
rendered, and was taken possession of by two infantry
regiments accompanying the National fleet. Six months
after this event the regiment to which I belonged arrived
at the Memphis steamboat landing after night, as already
detailed.
Next day our regiment went ashore and marched
through the streets that in places were vtry muddy from
recent rain-fall. Now and then a house was passed, from
which welcome was extended by a waving handkerchief
in the hands of a woman. Most of the female sex, how-
ever, seemed ready to extend anything but a welcome to
the "hordes from the North."
Camp was formed on the outskirts of the city in a
beautiful beech grove that was in every way pleasantly
(54)
A ''Turn-out:'
located. Here tents were put up, huts built by some, and
about two weeks of beautiful November weather .spent
most pleasantly. A line of guards encircled the camp
at night to break the men in and enforce discipline as
much as anything, perhaps. On this duty one of the men
accidentally discharged his piece and the bullet passed
through his foot. This was the first gunshot wound in
the history' of the regiment,
Upon leaving the barracks at Camp Butler each com-~
pany broke up into messes, composed of from eight to
fifteen men, who drew their rations in common and did
their cooking together.
Nearly every -day our regiment went out on dress-
parade, a term that, to the non-military reader, needs
explanation. To participate in this, each man, before
falling in ranks, was required to have his uniform in
good order, his accoutrements in neat trim, his g^un and
metallic appendages bright, then our regiment in line
marched to some convenient level, open space, and went
through the manual of arms, and, so to speak, displayed
itself to the very best advantage.
One day our regiment selected for its place of parade
an open space near a public highway, parallel with and
facing which, it was drawn up. Some militar}' exercises
had just been gone through and the men were standing
easily at parade-rest^ when a turn-oiU passed along the
road within a few feet of them that was new to North-
ern eyes, but afterward frequently seen in the South dur-
ing war times.
An old dilapidated family carriage that looked ^'as
though it might have seen sendee since the Revolution-
ary period, drawn by a large, dark-colored, raw-boned
horse, only a skeleton in fact, and a little, old, mouse-
56 Muskets and Medicine.
colored donkey ; upon these were shreds of old harness,
attached to which were some shabby old relics of silver
mounting. Mounted on the box, with rope lines in his
hands, was an old gray-haired darky, who sat upright and
dignified, an old and very high plug hat on his head, and
his person attired in the antiquated remains of a coach-
man's livery. Within the carriage was a man and
woman. The whole outfit was so ridiculous to Northern
eyes that a hearty laugh went along the line, followed
by a shout that was participated in by a thousand voices. -
At this period but few negroes lived in rural sections
of the North, and most of these had comparatively reg-
ular features, but it was soon observed that very many
of their brethren of the South had receding foreheads,
immense mouths, exceedingly thick lips, and fiat, shape-
less noses.
After remaining about two weeks in camp, orders came
one day to occupy Fort Pickering, just below the city.
Like nearly all localities for any time occupied by troops,
unless extraordinary precautions are taken, this post was
filthy and repulsive in the extreme. Meantime snow fell,
cold weather came on, and some most unpleasant days
were passed, and, to make matters worse, the health of
many began to fail.
Our mess numbering about eight persons, occupied a
Sibley tent not far from the river bank. A Sibley tent
is round at the base, having in its middle a center pole,
toward which the canvas slopes from every direction,
forming a perfect cone. The location of this tent on the
high bluff next the river gave the wind full sweep, and
the swa}nng of the canvas and flapping of the ropes was
anything but pleasant, especially at night.
Merry But on a Serious Errand. 57
Fort Pickering was at this period surrounded by earth-
works with cannon all along at proper inter\^als. At the
date of occupancy the works were constantly being
strengthened by the use of the spade and shovel. Most
of this work was done by negroes, who were fed and
paid by the Government.
After a time came an order for our regiment to do
patrol duty in the city. This necessitated the breaking
up of the regiment into squads, who, for the time, found
quarters and did duty in various parts of the city. The
company to which I belonged found quarters in a large
brick block^ not far from the river. In this building were
holes made by cannon shot, thrown during the naval
engagement the 6th of June previous.
Various were the duties performed ; at one time it was
guarding a steamboat at the wharf ; at another, goods at
the levee; again, it was standing in the rain some dark
night at some cheerless comer, for what, no one could
say ; then, maybe,with an officer and a number of men,
it was a tramp, begun after bed-time, to the suburbs, all
quietly ; a sort of scouting expedition that alwa3'-s ended
in weary legs and good appetites for breakfast.
About this time General Sherman organized, at Mem-
phis, an army to advance on Vicksburg, and the wharf
was lined with steamboats loading with provisions, muni-
tions of war, and a little later, men. One day a great
many boats loaded with soldiers left the landing and
steamed down the river. It was known to all that there
was to be a fight, and I remember looking at the many
men that crowded the decks of these steamers as the
bells rang, signaling the engineers to put on steam, when
1 Bradley Block.
oS Muskets and Medicine.
the wheels began slowly turning, lashing and churning
the water nearby; the boats gently swung round wdth
their prows down stream, then getting out into the main
channel, a full head of steam was turned on; that
heaving sound, characteristic of a boat under full head-
way, began ; and the men raised their hats and cheered
wildly and long.
They seemed more bent on a pleasure excursion than
to give battle and meet a determined and powerful foe.
I remember looking at them in this jolly mood, and won-""
dering how many of the merry ones would soon find a
grave on a battlefield, and what number would return
maimed and wounded. Not very long w^as it when word
came that Sherman had been repulsed at Vicksburg, and
in a little while after, whole boat loads of wounded sol-
diers came up from below.
About the middle of Januar}^, 1863, a comrade of mine,
a warm friend, was taken seriously sick and had to be
removed to our regimental hospital. That he might have
special care and be made as comfortable as possible, I
accompanied him thither and remained wath him some
weeks, till his friends came from the North and took him
home to die.
Becoming acquainted w^ith the surgeons in charge and
liking them, and not caring for the irregular and mixed
duties of a soldier left about the city, I was induced to
remain and become a regular hospital attache. The
building occupied was a double frame structure, having
a partition from front to rear through the center, with
no doors of communication. It was two stories high, and
upstairs and down had wide porches the w^hole width of
the building. On either side of the partition were two
rooms, one in front and one in rear, and a hallway w^ith
A Discouraging Outlook. 59
a flight of stairs that led to the second story, arranged
precisely like the lower. One side of the partition, with its
four rooms, was occupied by the sick — each room, formed
a separate ward, and for three months during the winter
of 1862-3 these apartments were literally crowded with
the sick from my regiment. The other side of the parti-
tion was occupied for offices and used as storage-rooms.
Back of the main building and adjoining thereto was a
long, low structure used as a kitchen and dining-room.
There w^as a great deal of sickness and many deaths
this winter. The most fatal disease was measles. Quite
a proportion of the newly-enlisted men had never had
measles, and among this class that disease played havoc.
A number of great strapping fellows were soon attacked
with it, some of whom died, others became permanent
invalids and v^'ere discharged, and a few lost their voices
or had defective eyesight or hearing. So much for the
ravages of a disease in the army that iu civil life is con-
sidered a comparatively mild malady.
Perhaps no period of like duration was more discour-
aging to the Union cause than the winter of 1862-3. The
Army of the Potomac, under Burnside, had met wath
terrible disaster at Fredericksburg, Va., December 13,
1862; Sherman had been repulsed with .sever loss the
same month a.t Vicksburg, and December 31, i.ie last day
of the year, and January 1, 1863, was fought the bloody
battle of Stone's River, or Murfreesboro, between the
Union forces under General Rosecrans and the Confed-
erates under General Bragg, either side losing in killed
and wounded eight to ten thousand men, and neither
winning decisive victory.
An unusual amount of serious sickness prevailed
throughout the armies that winter. One reason ,possibly,
60 Muskets and Medicine.
was the great amount of rainfall, particularly in the
western and southwestern field of operations. Another
was the very large accession of new troops. For six
months after enlistment a new regiment has to pass
through a sort of winnowing process, in which the chaff,
so to speak, is separated from the wheat; w^hen the
weaklings, the soft, tender, susceptible ones, either die,
or, becoming unfit for duty, are discharged, leaving the
command with a lot of tried men, as it were — a veritable
"survival of the fittest."
Anyway, the winter of 1862-3 was one of peculiar
discouragement to Union people. Nearly all wdth whom
I came in contact at this period, most of whom were
soldiers, seemed to feel this. In and about Memphis
sickness of a serious character prevailed among the
troops all winter.
The regimental hospital was on one of the main streets,
and from its front windows several times daily could be
seen a slowly-moving ambulance within which w-as a pine
coffin containing the dead body of a soldier, preceded by
a military band playing a dirge, and followed by a squad
of soldiers with reversed arms. Further on in the sub-
urbs was the soldiers' burying ground.
Er}^sipelas prevailed as an epidemic, and many suf-
fered terribly from this disease. When it attacked the
face, its favorite site, the features were horribly swollen
and distorted, the eyes closed, and when all was painted
over witl iodine, a frequent local remedy, the sufferer's
countenan t w^as as inhuman-like as can be imagined.
Erysipelas, measles, rheumatism, ts^phoid fever, dysen-
tery and other fatal troubles carried off many men dur-
ing the winter. For a time scarce a day passed but one
or more men died at our regimental hospital. As one
(. <r One Woman. 61
poor fellow after c her was carried out in his pine
coffin I remember thmking of tlie sad news the next out-
going mail would convey to friends away up North.
Some wife, mother or sister; would, for a time, lead a
sadder life and carry a heavier heart. Before death, in
the great majority of cases, the sufferer seemed to pass
into a listless condition, wherein indifference was mani-
fested for ever}^thing about him; the past and the future
seemed alike to be ignored. The mind appeared, in all
cases, to fail with the body, and sensation became blunted,
so that the so-called "agony of death" was never seen.
One case, however, is recalled in which a patient, just
before death from pulmonar}^ consumption, bade farewell
to those about him, and expressed a wish to meet them in
a better world. His mind appeared clear up to the last
moment, and his wasted features and sunken eyes seemed
cheerful, and at times almost animated.
Connected with our hospital was a lady who acted as
matron. She frequently passed through the wards with
some delicacy for the sick in her hands ; this she gave to
such as could take it; often the poor fellow had no
stomach for anything, but the pleasure of receiving some-
thing from the fair hands of woman was too tempting
to resist, and down it went, stomach or no stomach.
Again, she would pass from cot to cot, saying a kind
word to each occupant, adjusting the blanket for this
one, wiping the clammy sweat of death from another's
brow, and maybe writing to mother or wife for one too
feeble to use his pen.
At that_period the trained nurse, as vve_haye^.her- to-
day, w^as wholly unknown. Our matron did no nursing,
but she was a woman, and that meant much — ver}', very
much — amid those surroundings. When she came through
62 Muskets and Medicine.
the wards neatly dressed, with her hair combed smoothly
down over her face, as was then the fashion, and a pleas-
ant smile lighting up her countenance, she seemed a
veritable angel of mercy ; and her mere presence brought
up visions of those near and dear in the far-off North-
land. To one it was, maybe, a loving mother. To an-
other, a kindly sister; to yet another, a faithful wife;
and, perhaps, to one more, it was a devoted sweetheart.
But always the presence of gentle, kindly, tender woman-"
hood. Should the reader be of the masculine gender,
and disposed to tire of womankind, let him get rid of all
her sex ; banish them from his presence for, say, a period
of six months. Then, if at the end of that time his heart
does not fairly leap at the mere sight of a w^oman's
skirts, his experience will be far different from what
mine has been.
One night in February a poor soldier in the delirium
of typhoid fever, during the temporary absence of the
attendant, got up from his cot, slipped out of the door
and, on the return of the nurse, could be found nowhere
in the building. Next day he was heard of at his com-
pany quarters in a distant part of the city, to which he
had made his way in the dead of night, through six
inches of snow with the delirium of a burning fever upon
him.
About the middle of February signs of spring began
to show themselves in that genial climate. Grass became
green, peach trees blossomed, bees came out and birds"
came around. Sitting on the upper front porch one day
and looking toward the river, not many rods away, two
or three gunboats were seen to approach the little village
of Hopedale,- just opposite Memphis, on the Arkansas
Now West Memphis.
"Poor Hopedaler 63
shore; they did not land, but pretty soon turned away
and took Position in the middle of the river, from which
point a n. ' -^r of shells were thrown into the village
and soon Hu^ le was in flames. It seemed this place
had been a sort of rallying point for guerillas, bush-
whackers and other irregular Confederate soldiers and
to stop their incursions Hopedale had been ordered
burned, after, of course, first warning the inhabitants.
Ail this I remember reading in a Memphis daily of the
time, and an editorial upon it closed with the words:
"Poor Hopedale" — war's fortunes for the time converted
it into a Hopeless-dale.
Not far from the Arkansas shore, in the river, were
the spars and rigging of the sunken General Beauregard,
a Confederate vessel lost in the naval battle before
Memphis in June, 1862.
As the beautiful weather of spring approached, in
leisure hours most enjoyable walks were taken about the
city. Nowhere was the soft spring air more pleasure-
giving than in a little park near the business part of the
city — name forgotten. In this was a statue of General
Jackson, having engraved upon the marble pedestal the
hero's well-known words: "The Federal Union — it must
and shall be presented !" This patriotic sentiment was
too much for the eyes of some miserable vandal, and the
word "Federal" had been obliterated with a chisel or
other sharp tool.
I remember frequent attendance at an Episcopal
Church in the city. The pastor had but one eye, and
was a very plain man in appearance, but was an able
preacher. Here I first saw General J. B. McPherson.
His division was at the time encamped near the city, and
he improved the opportunity for attendance at a church
64 Muskets and Medicine.
which is said to be a favorite denomination with regular
army officers. His handsome person, graceful carriage
and affable manners are well remembered.
In the early part of the winter a great many troops
were encamped about the city. Most of these were later
moved to the vicinity of Vicksburg. While Sherman was
making a direct attack on Vicksburg by the river in
December, 1862, Grant was moving a co-operating force
through the interior, but the capture of his supplies at
Holly Springs, December 29, caused an abandonment of
the co-operating enterprise. Grant was seriously cen-
sured at the time by many in his own department, and I
remember vigorously defending him at this period from
the charges of drunkenness, incompetency, etc., made by
a fellow soldier. It turned out that the abandonment of
the line intended to be occupied by the co-operating col-
umn was fortunate, as the subsequent flooded condition
of the streams would have made the escape of the com-
mand next to impossible.
About the time Grant withdrew from this line there
was much fear of an attack at Memphis from the Con-
federates. One day a comrade came running into quar-
ters saying General Bragg was just without the city with
an army of ten thousand men, and had demanded its
surrender. I was at that time in the ranks, and, like
nearly all soldiers, often played at cards for pastime. At
this very juncture I had in my breast pocket a long-used
pack of cards, and, of course, they were dirty and much
soiled. One of the first things I did was to remove
these, for how would it sound should I fall in battle to
have it said: "In his breast pocket was found" — not the
Bible his mother handed him upon leaving home and
il Grnnt as he looked dur
\"icksburc Campaiin.
— ''B:it a Deck of Cards/' 65
bade him always carry in his knapsack, nor yet the pic-
ture of his affianced — "but a deck of cards."
Well, the cards were removed, but I didn't fall ; didn't,
indeed, have a chance to, for General Bragg didn't come
near, nor ask the surrender of the city.
CHAPTER VII.
The Vicksburg Campaign.
"With mortal heat each other must pursue;
What wounds, what slaughter shall ensue."
— Dryden.
Vicksburg was called the Gibraltar of the West. It
was certainly the greatest stronghold on the Mississippi
River, and after the fall of the defenses above and the
capture of Forts St. Phillip and Jackson, near the mouth,
with the consequent fall of New Orleans, Vicksburg be-
came the key to the further obstruction of the river by
the Confederates. After the failure of Sherman's attack
in 1862, a rendezvous for troops was made at Milliken's
Bend, La., twenty miles above Vicksburg.
After the non-success of various plans for the capture
of the coveted stronghold. Grant, in the spring of 1863,
resolved to get position on the river below by marching
his army across the peninsula, in Louisiana, opposite
Vicksburg, formed by an abrupt bend in the Mississippi.
For this expedition preparations were begun in March.
Toward the latter part of this month my regiment was
ordered aboard a boat for Vicksburg. Getting all ready
and loaded consumed a whole day, and as night drew
near a severe snowstorm came up. The boat got under
way about midnight. Next morning the storm had sub-
sided and the sun came out warm' and bright.
On the w^ay several gunboats were passed and always
spoken to as they patrolled the river, and knew points
where passing vessels were most liable to be fired into by
guerrillas. The sailors on the gunboats always seemed
(66)
First View of General Grant. 67
clean and well dressed, and the deck and all parts of the
vessel in sight appeared neat and orderly. In more than
one inst-ance, too, it was noticed that Jack, having just
done his w'ashing, had hung it out to dry upon a line
stretched upon the gunboat deck. Most of the gunboats
were heavily mailed with iron, hence w^ere called iron-
clads. They were not all built after the same pattern,
however.
Another kind of warlike craft were the tin-clads.
These were ordinary steamboats protected with thin iron
plating that was imper^'ious to musket balk. These w-ere
armed with several light pieces of artillerv^ and manned
wi*' - -nnrnber of sharp-shooters. On the trip down the
river b^ boats laden with troops were encountered.
Toward noon on the second day Milliken's Bend, twenty
miles above Vicksburg, on the Louisiana side, was
reached, and here our regiment debarked and went into
camp. The place selected was near the levee that all
along the lowlands next the river had been thrown up to
protect the adjacent plantations in time of high water.
In m^any places these had broken, and nearly the whole
region was inundated ; the bayous and lagoons had, mean-
time, grown into inland seas.
April 9, 1863, the division to which our regiment be-
longed was reviewed by General Grant. As m.y place
was not then in the ranks, and as I had never seen that
officer, I managed to get a good view of him while he
sat on his horse, attended by a few staff officers. As
each regiment passed the officers presented their swords,
and the men their guns, in salutation; and Grant, in
recognition, raised his hat. During the following three
months General Grant became a familiar figure. At this
time he appeared a little hea\ier than the average m^n
68 Muskets and Medicine.
of his height, and was, moreover, a Httle stooj^shoul-
dered. He wore a short, stubby, slightly reddish-brown
beard, and his whole appearance was modest and unas-
suming.
From the lips of the late Reverend W. G. Pierce, who
ser\'ed as Chaplain of the 77th Illinois Infantry, I had
the following: In the fall of 1862 Grant's army was in
camp for a time, and the chaplains of a certain division
were desirous of holding a series of religious meetings,
but the weather was cool and the men did not like to sit
out in the open during services. Nearby was a typical
Southern "meeting-house," but unfortunately for those
interested, it was occupied by General Grant for his
headquarters. If that building could only be procured,
the meetings could be held. In the conference that was
held some one suggested that General Grant was very
obliging and maybe could be induced to let the building
be used as desired, and finally it was arranged that
Chaplain Pierce should call on General Grant and make
known the wishes of the religious people in the division.
With a good deal of trepidation the errand was under-
taken, and when its object w^as made known to General
Grant he very obligingly said : "Why, yes. Chaplain, you
can just as well have this building as not; and as for our
things in here now, we can move them to a large tent we
have." General Rawlins, General Grant's chief-of-staff,
overheard the conversation, and when he realized what
was about to be done began making the air blue with
oaths ; and, meantime, paid his peculiar respects to
the division chaplains as only he could do. With a quiet
smile General Grant said: "Never mind. Chaplain, we
keep Rawlins here to do our swearing." Then reaching
for pen and paper he wrote an order directing that the
A Chaplain's Story. 69
church be vacated, and that it be put at the service of
the chaplains of the division.^
In our Hospital department a large tent had been put
up, and in this, upon cots, the sick were made as com-
fortable as possible. One thing they certainly had in
abundance was fresh air. The water used came from -v-
the Mississippi, which at the time was very high, and
there was so much sediment that a bucket dipped in the
current would be filled with water which, after standing
for a time, would have more than an inch of "settlings"
in the bottom. But the natives insisted Mississippi River
water was healthy, and after sedimentation it was cer-
tainly pleasant to drink.
Pretty soon after the "revievv'" came an order to move
— "marching orders." The sick were directed to be all
taken to a hospital boat, b}^ which they would be taken
up the river. Accordingly, they were put in ambulances
and taken to the place designated.
I have several times made use of the word ambulance;
this, to the reader whose memorv^ does not reach back to
Civil War time, may need explanation. An ambulance,
then, is simply a light vehicle on springs with a shallow
bed and a strong canvas cover overhead. The back end
gate worked on hinges at the bottom, so it could be in-
stantly let down and the very sick, or badly injured,
slipped out, and not lifted over avoidable obstructions.
(See pages 133, 134.)
As before said, the sick were put into ambulances, such
as were able sitting on their rolled up blankets, those very y
sick lying upon theirs, spread out. A train of ambu-
1 This anecdote has never before been in print and its truth
can be vouched for. — C. B. J.
"10 Muskets and Medicine.
lances, loaded with sick, made a dreary procession, but
at the head of one of these it was my duty to lead the
way to a hospital boat, named, if my memory serves
me well, the D. A. January. Each sick man, when taken
aboard, had his name checked. The name, rank, com-
pany, regiment, brigade, etc., were given carefully to the
authorities on the boat.
After the sick w^ere aboard and made comfortable, I
took occasion to look about the boat and was much
pleased. Although I had frequently visited the well-kept
general hospitals of Memphis, never had I seen all ar-
rangements for the sick so comfortable and convenient.
Then the constant moving of the boat, insuring continu-
ous change of air, could not fail to be specially beneficial.
About the middle of April the whole command broke
camp and started on the march. Our regiment was
brigaded with five or six others, and had been assigned
to General A. J. Smith's Division of the Thirteenth
Army Corps.
A brigade was made up of from three to six or seven
regiments; a division of from two to four or five
brigades, and an army corps of from two to five divi-
sions.
Every regiment had two or three ambulances to carry
the sick or disabled, several wagons to haul the tents and
other camp equipage. As the war progressed, however,
and the men gained experience in the field, the amount
of baggage was reduced to a minimum, and every man
found it to his advantage to get along with the least pos-
sible in the way of clothing while in the field.
To each brigade was attached a batter}^ These, when
complete, had six cannon and six caissons — ammunition
w^agons — to each of which were attached six horses. It
071 the March. 71
will be thus seen that a division, with its men marching
in not very close ranks, its ambulances, wagons, batteries,
etc., necessarily occupied a good deal of space when on
the road. But, in addition, there was always a train of
wagons besides, containing provisions, ammunition and
necessary extra supplies.
To get this long line of men, wagons, batteries, etc., in
proper order and in motion was no little task, and often
consumed no little time and necessitated many false
starts and sudden halts. To all this, however, the men
soon became accustomed, and in a little w^hile made good
use of every halt by taking all the rest thus afforded.
Most of the section of country traversed was low, and
the roads, when not overflown, were either quite muddy
or else very rough. Indeed, in many places roads had
to be made and bridges built; frequently, however, the
road ran along the top of the levee, as before stated.
The first day's march took the command to Richmond,
La., a small town nearly west of V'icksburg, and the next
to Holmes' plantation, a large tract of land belonging to
General Holmes of the Confederate Army. Here a stop
of several days was made, and from a letter written by
me Sunday, April 19, the following extract is made :
''There are a great many fine plantations through here ;
indeed, through this part of the countr}^ there is nothing
else but fine ones. Most of these have from thirty to
fifty negro houses (quarters) on them. The planter
usually lives in a one-story^ house with porches all around
it. The plantations, though, are mostly deserted, only a
few negroes remaining. It has been only three or four
weeks since the first Federal troops came in here. One
month ago the Secesh thought they were entirely safe
here, but they were mistaken.
72 Muskets and Medicine.
"Com (April 19) is six inches high and has been
plowed once ; the forest is as green as it will be this year ;
roses and nearly all flowers are in full bloom.
"We are now encamped on a plantation owned by a
man named Holmes — now a General in the Secesh Army.
This place contains nine hundred acres, and is the small-
est of four belonging to Holmes. He also owns four
steamboats on the Mississippi River. On this plantation
is a fine mill. Down here they have cotton-gins, grist
and sawmills all unden one roof."
The night of April 16, 1863, the six gunboats, Benton,
Louisville, Lafayette, Mound City and Carondolet, and
the three transports, Forest Queen, Silver Wave and
Henry Clay, ran by the Vicksburg batteries — ran the
blockade, as we put it. The transports were loaded with
army stores ; their boilers were protected with cotton
bales and bales of hay, and each had in tow one or more
barges loaded with coal. 'Every vessel was struck a num-
ber of times, but none, save the Henry Clay, received
vital injur}'.
Regarding this occurrence the following extract is
taken from a letter of April 19, 1863, also written at
Holmes' plantation, about twenty miles west of Vicks-
burg:
"We are to march again in a few days ; are going to
Carthage, which is on the river below Vicksburg, Most
of the heavy things, such as large tents, commis:sary
stores, etc., were taken aboard transports to be conveyed
down the river. These, of course, had to run the block-
ade at Vicksburg, and this they did last Thursday night
(April 16). There were six gunboats and three trans-
ports. We heard the firing very distinctly. One trans-
port was burned."
U. S. Army HoS|.ital Steamer -U. A. January." (From
Medical ami Surgical History of the Civil War.)
Interior of Hospital Boat. Cots made-up for
reception of patients.
(See page 70)
Bellowing Alligators. 73
Our regiment, in common with the division, received
marching orders the evening of April 24, and about 8
o'clock at night got under way. The roads were rough
and the night was dark, consequently one's footing was
most uncertain. In the bayous all about, the alligators
made night hideous with their bellowing. All night our
regiment marched, and next morning at 6 o'clock pulled
up at Smith's plantation, two and one-half miles from
New Carthage. Here our division went into camp, and,
although two or three miles from the river, several
steamboats came in on a bayou and were near campi for
a day or so.
Having met with such success running the blockade
the night of April 16, the Federals resolved to attempt
it again, consequently the next week a number of trans-
ports were loaded with stores, and with their boilers and
machinery well protected with baled hay and cotton,
again ran the blockade, losing only one vessel; the
Tigress J if the writer's memory ser\'es him well. The
boats that came to Smith's plantation had been struck in
a number of places, and had portions of their pilot-houses
shot away. One boat was the Hiawatha and the other
the Silver Wave.
While at Smith's plantation quite a little sensation was
created by reason of one of the soldiers receiving an
accidental shot. Upon examination, however, it proved
to be of little danger, though received in the neck; it was
from a revolver shot of such small caliber that but little
injury was inflicted. This was Sunday, and is remem-
bered as a warm, sultr}^ day, the sun at one time shining
bright, at another passing behind clouds. A little while
before night orders came to pack up and go on the
march at once. The night was intensely dark, and soon
74: Muskets a7id Medicine.
a drizzling rain began falling, but the men marched along
as merry as could be, singing, whistling and cracking
jokes. But, after a time, the pitchy darkness, wetting,
rain and rough roads took the merriment out of every-
one, and the march w^as continued till about 1 or 2
o'clock A.M., when our regiment was halted by the side
of a rail fence, and in a little time I was sleeping sweetjy
on two fence rails fv^r, perhaps, two hours and a half,
when some coffee was hastily made and drank, and the
march resumed at da3dight. It still rained, and the roads
were horrible, but the march was kept up all day, while
the weather continued cloudy and rain fell at intervals.
The country passed through was uninviting, and the bad
roads and unpleasant day make the memory of this time
anything but pleasant. Wagons and artiller}^ stalled, and
horses and mules mired dov.m, and all had to be pulled
and lifted out by hand.
Night at last came, and I remember feeling too tired
even to sleep. Coffee was made and plenty of this drank,
and in a short time renewed strength seemed to come.
With the coffee was eaten hard bread and salt pork.
The pork was cut in thin slices, one of which was put
on the end of a sharp-pointed stick and toasted. When
one had marched all day this was eaten with relish, as
was the hard bread that, in camp, was most unpalatable.
The ground was wet and thoroughly saturated with
water, and to meet this condition of things, little boughs
were broken off the trees and thrown on the ground;
upon these, rubber and woolen blankets were spread, and
the sweetest sleep imaginable obtained.
The sun came out bright and warm next day, and for
a long distance the road lay along the west bank of Lake
St. Joseph, a most beautiful sheet of water, said to have
The ''Sunny South/' 75
been once the bed of the Mississippi. Upon the borders
of t-ki_s. lake were several handsome residences. Two of
unusual eleg-ance are in particular called to mind; one
belonged to a Dr. Bowie, and was furnished in most
elaborate style. This, as well as the other fine re.sidences,
was vacated by the owner. The Bowie house was
burned, some weeks later, about the time Shermian's
corps came through that region.
Along the lake's western bank the road wound in front -
of most delightful hom.es, while its eastern shore was
overhung by noble forest trees, and these had long fes-
toons of moss hanging gracefully from their boughs.
Many flowers, shrubs and trees w^ere seen with which
Northern eyes were unfamiliar ; these gave the region a
half tropical appearance. In this delightful spot, with
the air soft, balmy and filled with the fragrance of
flowers, birds singing, and so much to please the senses,
I thought I never had looked upon so much of blooming,
sunny, delicious, glorious nature. It was, indeed, a per-
fect specimen of the Sunny South — a real httle para-
dise, and as such was, no doubt, regarded by its wealthy
residents, who only a few weeks before felt as secure
from invasion as the residents of the North.
The region being in a great degree isolated, in a low
level section of country that had to be protected from
overflow by levees was, particularly in a season remark-
able for high water, deemed safe from all invasion, if
not, indeed, proof against it. But the persistent Grant
had decreed it otherwise, and now long and formidable
columns of energetic and hardy Northerners were m.ak-
ing their way through the very heart of this enchanting
countrv.
76 Muskets and Medicine.
So impenetrable was the locality deemed by the Con-
federates that Pemberton, it was said, to the last per-
sisted in the belief that the movement was not in force
and was only a feint, and intended as a diversion from
a serious attack on Vicksburg from some other quarter.
The 29th of April the Mississippi was reached at Hard
Times Landing, nearly opposite Grand Gulf. Just below
the latter place is De Shroon's plantation, and thither tlie
column marched after a short stop at Hard Times. The
line led in sight of Grand Gulf, into which our gunboats
were seen throwing shells; the firing was very deliberate,
and at the time was not responded to by the Confed-
erates. The na\^^, however, failed to reduce the works.
About 10,000 troops, belonging to the Thirteenth
Corps, had gone aboard transports at New Carthage,
some twenty or thirty miles above. A landing place for
these was sought above Grand Gulf, on the Mississippi
side, but none being found, they debarked at Hard Times
after nightfall, and quietly marched across the peninsula,
on the Louisiana shore, opposite the rebel stronghold.
Meantime, the na\^^ engaged the Confederate batteries,
during which the loaded transports ran by. My regi-
ment was encamped a few miles below, and the can-
nonading made a terrific noise. Whether it came from
the \\t2,vy caliber of the guns engaged or from the
peculiar state of atmosphere, I cannot say, but never did
the terrific din of cannonading strike my ears with such
force. Every shot, too, seemed to have a peculiar ring-
ing sound that was piercing in its effects upon the organs
of hearing. As before stated, my regiment encamped the
night of the 29th of April at De Shroon's plantation,
below Grand Gulf, on the river.
Crossing the Mississippi. "17
Ver}^ early on the morning of April 30 the gunboats
and transports, both alive with soldiers, were seen on
the river. These moved over towards the Mississippi
shore, and I remember almost shuddering with fear lest
they would be fired into from the adjoining hills. The
boats all moved down the river about six miles and
landed at Bruinsburg.
The Hospital department of our regiment did not go
aboard a boat till near nightfall, and having been in-
formed that all would remain on board over night, and
feeling much fatigued, I, beside a companion, stretched
myself upon two cotton bales lying side by side and slept
sweetly till early dawn, when it was found that the boat,
having dropped down/he river during the night, was then
tied up at Bruinsburg. Word was received to join our
regiment at once, then in line upon the shore and ready
to march inland, where it was said a battle was already
in progress.
CHAPTER VIII.
Our First Battle.
"The midnight brought the signal-sound of strife;
The mom the marshaling in arms — "
— Byron.-
While the fleet of gunboats under Commodore Porter
at Grand Gulf, below Vicksburg, engaged the enemy, and
McClearnand's corps was seeking a landing nearby, upon
the same date, April 29, 1863, Sherman debarked ten
regiments above Vicksburg on Yazoo River at Haines'
Bluff, as if to attack the latter place, while at the same
time it was bombarded by eight gunboats.
The whole demonstration at Haines' Bluff, however,
was only a feint intended to confuse the enemy and
divert his attention from the real point of atack at Grand
Gulf.
The Thirteenth Corps effected a landing at Bruins-
burg, Miss., April 30, and early on the morning of May
1 met most of Grand Gulf Garrison (Confederate) un-
der General Bowen, seven miles inland from Bruinsburg
and within five miles of Port Gibson, the most important
town in that vicinity and located on Bayou Pierre. The
Federals were upon the southern side of this stream. To
reach them the Grand Gulf Garrison had to cross the
bayou and, as the water in the stream was at the time
high, they were obliged to go to the only bridge in the
vicinity, namely, the one at Port Gibson, but much out
of their way.
It had been the hope of the Federals to secure pos-
session of this bridge before the arrival of the Confed-
(78)
We Lose Our Cash. 19
erates ; and it was the hope of the latter to meet the in-
vading column at or very near the landing place, Bruins-
burg.
But neither side had its wish gratified; the Confed-
erates reached the bridge at Port Gibson, crossed upon
it, and pushed five miles beyond toward the river, when
their further course was interrupted by the Federals in
force on high ground. So much for what immediately
preceded the battle of Port Gibson. As narrated in the
previous chapter, the night of April 30 I had slept beside
a companion aboard a river boat upon, two bales of cot-
ton, and at early dawn, next morning, went ashore with
this companion and joined our regiment, then falling in
line two or three hundred yards distant. I had just
reached our regiment when, putting my hand in my
pocket, I found that three or four dollars in money, all
I had, was gone. I spoke of my misfortune, and re-
ceived a lecture from Wigton, my companion of the night
previous, and some twenty-five or thirty years my senior.
"Just like you," he began; "always losing something.
Your carelessness will be the ruin of you yet. I'm
thinkin' you'll lose your head one of these days."
As the firing from the battle, then in progress a few
miles away, could already be heard, the last and greatest
accident was not at all an impossibility.
However, as the command was in the heart of the
enemy's country and was just on the point of cutting
loose from its base of supplies, I felt as though I could
not give up my lost money without making an effort to
find it. Learning that a few moments would elapse
before the command would start, I ran back to the boat,
made my way to the bales of cotton, and turning them
about, had stooped over and was looking around care-
80 Muskets and Medicine.
fully, thinking maybe the pocketbook had slipped from
my pocket, when a voice just behind was heard calling
my name, and asking :
"Have you found your pocketbook? I declare, mine's
gone, too."
Lx)oking up, who did I see but Wigton, my comrade
of the night previous, who only a moment before was
chiding me for my ill-fortune and negligence. It was
clear now that someone had stolen both pocketbooks
while their owners slept.
The joke on Wigton, however, was too good to keep,
and it was many a day before his companions let him
hear the last of it. Poor Wigton; his beard was quite
gray, and, for one in active service, he was quite old, but
he was a brave, true soldier, and when last seen was very
lame and hobbling about on crutches with a prospect of
remaining so from a wound received in the Red River
Expedition in the spring of 1864.
Just before starting on the march each man received
in his canteen a little whiskey. The regiment had never
been in battle, and whether this was given to supply them
with extra courage or whether it was thought the en-
forced march about to be entered upon required the use
of stimulants, is not known. But whatever the intention
may have been, no good came from the whiskey, and
before night several in our regiment were foolishly drunk.
When all was ready we started off at a brisk pace to-
ward the rising sun, just visible through the tree-tops.
For two miles the road ran through the river bottom,
then up a long hill of red clay, next by quiet farm-
houses and cultivated fields, through pretty wooded
groves and up quiet lanes, all bearing the marks of peace,
A Wounded Confederate. 81
and resting in supposed security from the inroads of
invading armies.
The boomi of cannon could be heard, and after awhile
the rattle of musketry ; this excited the men, and they
marched the faster. As the morning advanced it became
very wann and many threw away knapsacks, overcoats
and anything and everything that impeded progress to-
ward the sounds of battle in f ront. _
By and by, towards noon, V^'-M hospital 4;;.th^ rda2-
side was reached, and here a stalwart 'soldier, '"witli his
arm in a sling, and the bright blood oozing through the
bandages over a wound on his breast otherwise bare,
came and stood by the roadside and watched the re-en-
forcements go forward. His was the first blood I saw
flow from a Confederate bullet.
Other field hospitals were soon passed, and after a lit-
tle, fences thrown dovfn, com fields tracked over, and
everything disarranged and tramped upon, told that large
bodies of men had been deployed and advanced over that
ground earlier in the day. A Httle ahead broken wheels
and dismomited cannon, and now and then a dead soldier,
with here and there a disemboweled horse, showed that
the advance of the Federals had met with resistance.
Next the road ran down a hill and into the timber ; here
the command halted for a few moments, and I stepped
aside to see some Federal surgeons dressing the wounds
of a young Confederate soldier. He was a stout-built
young fellow, but was pale and seemed exhausted from
loss of blood. He w2^s suffering from a large flesh
wound in the calf of the leg.
Our regiment was ordered to make some coftee and
liave dinner, and then move to the front. This done,
the knapsacks were piled up and left in care of a guard,
6
82 Muskets and Medicine.
and then the command turned to the left of the main
road, passed forward through com fields, and, at last,
halted a little way from the top of, and partly down a
liill, in a field of growing corn.
At this time the firing on this part of the field was
desultory, bullets whistling past all the while, but no
volleys were fired. Two hundred yardg in front of our
regiment . was . a .branch ^ and beyond, was a cane-brake
ci-ru-L thick timber, .Wq were .resting quietly, facing the
cane-brake, when all at once without warning, a volley
of bullets struck the ground all about us, but, strange
to say, only one man was wounded, and he, in the hand,
but slightly. Although the volley did so little execution
the men were much excited and wanted to fire in return,
but this was forbidden by the officers.
At this juncture some one from the top of the hill
cried out: "Shell the woods," and in leas time than it
takes to tell it our brigade battery was brought to the
top of the hill and' was soon throwing grape and cannis-
ter over the heads of our regiment into the dense timber
beyond.
As soon as the batter}' ceased firing the wounded man
was turned over to me to be taken back to our first aid
station under the charge of First Assistant Surgeon
David Wilkins, and located just back of the firing-line.
Proceeding on this errand, I reached the top of the hill
from which our brigade battery, the Chicago Mercan^
tile, for a few moments shelled the woods in our
front, when along came three mounted officers, who
proved to be General Grant, Commander of the Army of
the Tennessee; General John A. McClemand, Com-
mander of the Thirteenth Army Corps, of which, we
were an integral part; and General John A. Logan in
A Swearing General. 83
comm_a,nd of a division in the Seventeenth Army Corps,
and now* known as the "Prince of Volunteer Soldiers."
No sooner had these officers reached the rear of the
Mercantile Battery than General Logan raised' in his
stirrups, and in a clarion voice demanded :
"Who in the h — 1 and d — nation ordered that batter}^
to fire on that timber? My division is over there, and
by I'll hold somebody responsible for this !"
No one gave answer to General Logan's red-hot in-
quiry, and in a moment he, General McClemand and
General Grant, rode out of sight. After properly dispos-
ing of the wounded man I turned about to return to the
front and came upon the dead body of an artiller}m:ian
who had fallen in the very spot I had occupied a moment
before. Passing on, I found my regiment had advanced,
and going forward over a hill, a bullet stru^ck a young
sycamore not far from my head. Later, we learned that
Confederate sharp-shooters took position in trees, where
they were protected by the foliage, and picked oft
any of our men who came in sight, and, doubtless, one
of these drew a bead on me as I was crossing the brov*'
of the hill.
Advancing, I came upon a regiment part of the way
down hill, and in their front shells from the enemy's
cannon were falling, and could be seen coming through
the air. The sun was getting low, and I had not yet
reached my regiment when I came upon four men carr}'-
ing a stretcher upon w^hich w'as Captain W. H. Johnson^
of otir regiment, who had received an ugly flesh wound
in the gluteal region from a cannister shot. The party
1 Captain W. H. Johnson, Company H, 139th Illinois Infantry-
Volunteers.
84: Muskets and Medicine.
was conducted to a farm-house, where the wounded man
was made comfortable, and later reached his regiment at
Vicksburg, meantime making a good recovery from his
injury.
The country all about Grand Gulf, Miss,, is hilly and
broken up into ravines and hollows. A little west of
Port Gibson the road to the river divides, and two road-
ways, for a number of miles, follow along two lines of
ridges.
Upon either of these roads General Bowen, in com-
mand of the Confederate forces, took position five miles
from Port Gibson the night of April 30, 1863. Here he
encountered the Federals May 1, was driven back with
considerable loss, and just before night made a stand
with a small part of his force two miles from Port Gib-
son, while his main army retreated. During the night of
May 1 the last Confederate withdrew beyond Bayou
Pierre, and the bridge behind was burned.
The same night the Federals slept on their arms, with
orders to renew the conflict early in the morning. When
morning came, however, it was found there was no
enemy near.
The night of May 1, 1863, is as indelibly impressed on
my memory as the pre^dous day's battle. Through the
day the excitement, the novelty of being for the first
time under fire, the many strange and interesting things
incident to battle, made the whole experience rather
pleasurable than otherwise. But night brought anything
but pleasurable experiences. As before stated, the knap-
sacks, blaiil<:ets and all ofi the kind had been left behind.
And as the nights in the South, even in the warmest
weather, are cool, much discomfort was experienced for
want of something in the way of covering. A rubber
''Glory" from a i A.M. Viewpoint. 85
blanket was shared with a companion, but this seemed to
catch all the dew and moisture there was in the atmos-
phere, and from its surface was absorbed by one's cloth-
ing. Under the circumstances sleep was broken, and in
wakeful hours my mind naturally dwelt upon the horrible
in the previous day's history. Thoughts something as
follows had free course through my brain:
"Well, our regiment for six months has been wanting
to be in a battle, and now it's been in one, and not a hard
one either ; but there is probably not a man but next time
will cheerfully take some other fellow's word for it and
stay out himself, if he can do so honorably. Then those
dead fellows were lying beside the road just like they
were slaughtered hogs or sheep! And besides, how
piteously the wounded moaned, and how horrible their
poor maimed limbs and gaping wounds looked. There
may be lots of glory in war, but it isn't so radiant nor
ver}^ apparent at about 1 o'clock the next morning after
a battle."
However, the morning's sun of May 2 came up warm,
bright and beautiful; some strong coffee was taken, when
word came in that the Confederates were badly defeated
the day before, and had all retired from our front; and
that we were to follow immediately. At this time a
3'oung Confederate soldier turned up, but from just
where no one knew. One of our surgeons, however,
tapped him on the shoulder, saying: "You are my pris-
oner." He, like Barkis, was "willin'," and was at once
turned over to the proper authorities.
All fell in line and were soon on the road to Port Gib-
son. A little way along the route, the place where the
Confederates made their last stand was seen ; this was
at the top of a hill. By the roadside, near a pile of
86 Muskets and Medicine.
rails, lay a dead Confederate, He seemed to have been
a tall, lanky fellow, a typical specimen, and though the
weather was as warm as June in the North, there was
yet on his head a heavy fur cap. A little farther on,
under a mulberry tree, lay the body of a good-looking
young Confederate. He was rotund in figure, and had
on what seemed to be a new suit of gray jeans. Already
the blue flies were hovering about the dead body ; but his
late enemies, thus soon becoming familiar with violent
forms of death, complacently gathered mulberries from
the tree above him. Most of the Confederate dead were
said to have been collected before the retreat and buried
in a ravine. Those seen were what fell from the few
left behind to cover the retreat. Thus, a few scattered
dead Federal soldiers by the roadside were seen when
coming upon the battlefield eighteen hours before, and
now several Confederate dead, fallen by the wayside,
were come upon when leaving the field of strife — a few
falling rain-drops precede a thunder shower, and some
scattering rain-drops again betoken its close.
About 9 o'clock Port Gibson was reached and found
to be a pretty little town. Over two or three houses red
flags were flying, thus indicating that the buildings were
occupied as hospitals. At the door of one of these an
attache was met who seemed friendly and talkative. Be-
ing an enlisted Confederate soldier, he was an enthu-
siastic Southerner, and said:
"No, you never will take Vicksburg in the world. It
will turn out just like your On to Richmo7id. The South
will gain her independence, and Southern Illinois and
Southern Indiana will yet become a part of the Con-
federacy."
An Enthusiastic Confedei'ate. 87
His notions about Indiana and Illinois were evidently-
obtained at a very early period in the war, and badly
needed readjustment. When asked if he thought failure
to subdue the South would be for want of valor in the
Federal soldiers, he answered:
"Not in you, men, you are from the West, and West-
ern soldiers will fight, but Eastern soldiers won't."
Here was another notion obtained early in the war
(concerning Eastern soldiers) that sorely needed revision.
This man was dressed in jeans of the prescribed gray
hue, he talked quite intelligently, and did not have the
Southern accent, but among other things, hooted de-
risively at Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation as
utterly futile, so far as any effect it would have in free-
ing the slave.
The Federals, at once, set about extemporizing a
bridge across the bayou ; this was completed so that many
crossed that night and my regiment early next morning,
when the line of march was taken up in a general north-
ern course from Port Gibson. This, the 3d of May, was
a beautiful Sabbath day, and many pleasant home-like
places were passed. Grant's gaining the battle of Port
Gibson and afterward promptly pushing his columns into
the interior, turned the Confederate works at Grand Gulf
and caused their evacuation. These were promptly taken
possession of by our troops and made the base upon the
Mississippi side of the river instead of Bruinsburg.
Two or three days after leaving Port Gibson rations
gave out, and the army was directed to live off the
country. The region was well-stocked with corn, bacon,
sheep, chickens, turkeys, honey, etc. The com was in
cribs, from which it was taken, shelled and carried to the
horse-mills, one of which was on nearly every plantation.
88 Muskets and Medicine.
where it was ground into meal. Every Southerner re-
gards his home incomplete without a large and well-
lilled smoke-house. This is a rough outbuilding, consist-
ing usually of one room and generally without a floor,
As soon as cold weather comes it brings to the Souther-
ner hog-killing time, when, from ten to thirty hogs are
butchered, the number depending on the size of the fam-
ily and thrift of its head. The pork is first "salted
down" in brine and, after soaking for a time, hung up
to drip in the smoke-house. After a little while it is
thoroughly smoked by having under it for days a smoth-
ered fire made of hickory. After going through this
process the meat becomes bacon, and in the preparation
of the latter the Southerner has no equal. Ham taken
from his smoke-house is matchless in taste and quality.
Many smoke-houses were found filled with bacon ; others
were discovered that bore marks of a hasty removal of
contents to some less conspicuous place for safe keeping.
Often the meat was buried or put in some retired spot
in the woods, but, through a d^iky or some such means,
its hiding-place was in nearly all instances sought out by
the persistent Northerners.
Home-made bacon was a favorite meat with the sol-
diers, and for a time they enjoyed with it corn bread,
made from the freshly ground com meal of the country.
Lamb, turkey, chicken and honey, for a season, made the
bill of fare seem perfect. But the principal trouble of
subsisting an army off a country in this way is the great
improvidence of the soldiers. There is more wasted than
eaten. However, for more than two weeks in May, 1863,
Grant's army, of from thirty to forty thousand men,
lived bountifully off the region east and southeast of
\^icksburg.
''A Bitter Experienced 89
Many pleasant camping places were found. One, in
particular, comes in memory which, if the writer's recol-
lection senses him w^ell, was near Willow Springs. The
Hospital department encamped in the shade of some
bushy-like trees in the very shallow and dry bed of a
wide stream that was covered smoothly over \\ath the
whitest and finest sand. It was level and clean as a
thrifty housewife's Kitclien floor. Here the com meal
was made into toothsome bread and eaten with fresh
young lamb, while luscious honey was in plenty for
dessert.
About this time I remember longing especially for
fresh milk, and resolved at the Ytry first opportunity to
get some. One day, when on the march, a farm-house
was passed, and upon the opposite side of the road were
a lot of cows fastened up in the "coppen" (cow-pen), as
the Southerners say. I was not long in getting over the
fence, nor long in selecting a cow with a fine udder, from
which I soon filled my canteen. The fence was again
hurriedly clambered over and the regiment overtaken.
By and by, when a drink of nice, fresh milk could no
longer be postponed, the canteen was turned up, w^hen,
horrors !^-ivhat a bitter taste! Quinine could have been
no worse. It was learned soon after from a native that
the cows in that season feed upon young cane-shoots,
and these Sfive the bitter taste to the milk.
CHAPTER IX.
Attack on Vicksburg From The South
AND East.
"The neighb'ring plains with arms are covered o'er;_
The vale an iron harvest seems to yield — "
— Dryden.
It had been Grant's intention, upon securing a foot-
hold below Vicksburg, to detach part of his command
and send it to General Banks at Port Hudson, which
place the last-mentioned officer was about to besiege.
But learning that ten days would elapse before Banks
would be ready to commence active operations in the
\'icimty of Port Hudson, and meeting with such gratify-
ing success at the battle of Port Gibson, with the conse-
quent evacuation of Grand Gulf, Grant resolved to push
for the interior and threaten Vicksburg from the east
and southeast.
About the middle of May, 1863, General Joseph E.
Johnston came to Jackson, Miss., the State capital,
established his headquarters there, and assumed general
command in the department. Johnston had under his
immediate command ten to fifteen thousand troops. To
prevent the junction of these with the force under Pem-
berton at Vicksburg, became an immediate object with
Grant. The Seventeenth Corps, under General J. B.
McPherson, and Fifteenth, under General W. T. Sher-
man, had followed the Thirteenth Corps from Milliken's
Bend before the 10th of May, and were with Grant,
southeast of Vicksburg.
(90)
Glorious Birdr 91
The second week in May the battle of Raymond was
fought, twenty miles west of Jackson, between troops of
the Seventeenth Corps, mainly Logan's Division, and
some of General Johnston's commajid ; the latter were
defeated and returned to Jackson, which place was soon
after attacked by Sherman, and the troops defending it,
under General Johns-ton, beaten and driven North. All
this time the Thirteenth Corps was hugging the eastern
bank of the Big Black River. McClernand, with the
Thirteenth Corps, was thus on the left, McPherson in
the center, and Sherman on the right, all facing the
north.
From the 3d of May, when our regiment left Port
Gibson, till about the 13th of that month, the part of the
army we were with. General A. J. Smith's Division of
the Thirteenth Corps, moved in a general northerly
course. Willow Springs, Rocky Springs, Cayuga and
Mount Auburn were severally occupied, and among other
streams crossed were Big Sandy, Five Mile Creek and
Fourteen Mile Creek. At Cayuga the command, our
division, halted for a day or two. It was now dry and
dusty, the immediate vicinity was devoid of streams, and
the only water available was dipped from stagnant ponds,
after the green scum covering them had been pushed
aside. While here, towards the middle of a hot sultry
day, a division marched by on the dusty road, near which
Smith's Division was encamped. Among the moving
troops was a \\'isconsin regiment which had a pet eagle.
A perch was made for him^ upon a thin board cut in the
form of a shield ; to this he was chained, and all was
borne upon the shoulder of a soldier. As before said,
the day was hot, the roads were dusty, and the eagle,
with drooping feathers and a general crestfallen appear-
92 Muskets and Medicine.
ance, looked anything but the "Proud Bird" he is sup-
posed to be. Wonderful stories concerning the eagle
were, however, in circulation. Among other things it
was said that in time of battle, when he was always
loosened, he would soar above the men, flap his wdngs,
hover about and scream with delight. The Wisconsin
regiment that had this "emblem of its country" became
noted as the "Eagle Regiment,"
At Auburn, General Frank P. Blair's Division joined
Smith's. Frank P. Blair, before the war, was a promi-
nent and vigorous opponent of slavery, and lived at St.
Louis, Mo. In the hardl3'-contested slavery discussions
that preceded the war many free-soil speeches were made
by him, and full reports of these frequently appeared in
the Missouri Democrat, the only paper of any prominence
published in St. Louis that opposed ,Maver}^ Blair en-
tered the army and proved a most efficient officer.
While at Auburn word was received of Hooker's de-
feat— the Army of the Potomac — at Chancellorsville, the
2d and 3d of May, 1863.
Our immediate command — Smith's Division — moved
northward, and about the 13th or 14th of May crossed
Fourteen Mile Creek and encamped over night some
miles north of this stream. It was at the time under-
stood that the eneni}'- was not far off — in fact, they were
in force but five miles away, at Edward's Station, on the
Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad.
All this time the line of march had led in a nortlierly
direction, but early the next morning, after encamping
north of Fourteen Mile Creek, the division faced about,
recrossed that stream, and finally took a road eastward
for Raymond. This place was reached late in the even-
ing, and our regiment went into camp some little dis-
Battle of Champions Hill 93
tance east of the town. Early next morning we faced
about again, passed through the town and took a road
leading in a northwesterly direction; very soon the
enemy's pickets were encountered, and the whole divi-
sion, about 9 o'clock, deployed and advanced in Hne of
battle.
The country, on both sides the road, was either culti-
vated fields or, for the most part, open timber, so that
the advance was unobstructed by thick underbrush or
ravines. The eneni}- did not seem to be in strong force
in front, and the advance was most beautiful and orderly.
Every regiment had its flag unfurled and banner flying,
and all moved forward with stately tread. The writer
looked on with admiration, for here was the '''pomp and
circumstance of war" witliout its horrors. But heavy
firing oft to the right told that others were not coming
Oil so easily. This was the battle of Champion's Hill,
an elevation that commanded the whole region.
The road upon which were Smith and Blair's Divisions
ran to the south of the elevation, hence but slight resist-
ance was found in their front. But, on the other roads
to the north, upon which Carr's, Osterhaus' and Hovey's
Di\asions came into action, the enemy was met in force.
Hovey's Division belonged to the Thirteenth Corps, but
for the time was with McPherson upon the northern or
main Vicksburg & Jackson Road. Hovey fought terribly
and suffered severely; a large share of the whole loss
was sustained by his division, which that day lost one-
third of its number.
The Confederates sustained ovenA'helming defeat, los-
ing in killed, wounded and missing upw^ards of six
thousand; and, towards and after night, retreated pre-
cipitately.
94 Muskets and Medicine. •
The Thirteenth Corps pursued them early on the
morning of the 17th of May, and before noon came upon
their fortifications on the Big Black River, where the
railway bridge crosses that stream. With the Hospital
department I was behind with the trains. These moved
very deliberately. Early in the morning a house was
passed that had been riddled through and through with
cannon balls.
Before noon Edward's Station was reached, and at the
Confederate Hospital the writer's attention was called to
a young Confederate who, it was said, had his heart on
the "wrong side." There w^as probably some enlarge-
ment that made the heartbeat appear to the rig-ht of the
center of the chest. At noon-time rest and dinner were
taken under some trees in a pasture, and while here a
Confederate paper w^as seen which told w^hat terrible
losses the invaders had sustained, and how they were
soon to be hurled back and sent flying to their homes!
After a time the road was again taken, and pretty soon
a cot was passed at the side of the road upon which was
a dying officer. Before Black River Bridge was reached
the advance had skirmished with the enemy, and in this
affair the officer, who was the Colonel of tiie Twenty-
third Iowa, if my memory serves me well, received a
mortal wound. He w^as lying on his back unconscious
and deadly pale, and upon his brow was the clammy
sweat of death. Towards night a stop was made, and,
with some comrades, I slept near the front gate of a
farmhouse; nearby lay the dead body of a Confederate
soldier who fell in a skirmish earlier in the day. His
body lay there all night. Next morning the march was
again resumed. The whole line of the route, particularly
that of the day previous, was strewm at the roadside wnth
Battle of Black Rive?' Bridge. 95
the guns, knapsacks, canteens, broken wagons and extra
g-arments-qf the Confederates. These were especially
numerous between the Champion's Hill battle ground and
Edward's Station.
Pretty early on the morning of May 18 the bluffs of
Black River were reached, and the remains of the burned
railroad bridge came in sight. A little later my regi-
ment was found inside of the Confederate works cap-
tured the day previous. I soon had from my comrades,
who had been participants in the battle of Black River
Bridge, a full account of the whole affair. It was almost
a bloodless ^^cto^)^ A bayou circles around to the east
from Black River at the railroad bridge, forming a sort
of horseshoe, one-half to three-quarters of a mile in
extent; just within this the Confederates, with cotton
bales from the neighboring plantation, had extemporized
breastworks. These were well manned, and at, con-
venient intervals cannon were planted. Upon the hills,
just west of the river, the Confederates were in force.
Lawler, with his brigade, charged the left flank of the
Rebel line, when the whole of the enemy either sur-
rendered or sought safety in fiight. Seventeen hundred
prisoners were taken, m.any of whom, when the charge
was first made, became panic-stricken, tore out little
bunches of cotton from the bales in the breastworks and
hoisted these upon the points of their bayonets in token
of surrender.
I spent some time in visiting the works lately occupied
by the Confederates; they seemed strong, and the whole
position was very similar to that occupied by the Fed-
erals eighteen months later at Frankhn, Tenn., where
the furious charges of Hood's forces were made unsuc-
96 Muskets and Medicine.
cessfully and with sucli terrible loss, upon Schofield, the
Union Commander.
Having lost, since the 1st day of May, 1863, the bat-
tles of Port Gibson, Raymond, Jackson, Champion's Hill
and Black River Bridge, all in the vicinity of Vicksburg,
the Confederates, on the 17th of the same month, retired
within the works of that stronghold.
As S'Oon as the position at Black River was lost, the
bridge at that point was burned. The Pioneer Corps,
however, fell to work most energetically, and by 10
o'clock of May 18, a temporar}^ bridge was ready for
use. Eighteen guns were captured at Black River.
Many of these were handsome and finished in a most
beautiful manner. Several had painted upon them in
gilt letters names of popular Confederate, officers, but
qualified with the v/ord lady. Thus there was the "'Lady
Davis," "Lady Price," "Lady Beauregard," etc.
Before noon nearly the whole command was across
the Big Black River and headed for Vicksburg, ten or
tM^elve miles distant. The way was, for the most part,
lined with farmhouses.
The Thirteenth Corps bore to the left and, at night-
fall, was within about four miles of the works that en-
circled Vicksburg. Orders were given to make fires only
in the ravines, with which the region was well supplied.
Early next morning the whole command advanced.
As the Confederates had, so far, been defeated and had
in the last engagement yielded what seemed a strong
position with so little resistance, the opinion came to
prevail throughout the Federal Army that Vicksburg
would yield without further resistance. Filled with this
idea the Union forces confidently approached the out-
works of Vicksburg on the morning of May 19, but
Ou7' Division Hospital. 97
found the Confederates wi.tliout these in Hne of bat-
tle'. They soon retired, however, and meantime the
Federals, by this time convinced that the foe in front
intended ' to nght, approaclied cautiously but deter-
minedly.
The division established its hospital about four miles
from the Confederate works at the house of a man
named Swett. The house was built miainly of logs in the
center of a large yard that sloped down in nearly every
direction.
Everything was got in readiness at the hospital to
receive the wounded. The surgeons had their instru-
ments all ready for use ; long, bright, razor-edged knives
for cutting through fieshy parts in amputations and
sharp-toothed, shining saws for sawing bone. Then
there were strong forceps for extracting bullets, bone
pliers for snipping off jagged ends of bone and tour-
niquets for arresting hemorrhage. Sponges for washing
wounds and lint and bandages for dressing them were in
plentiful supply.
Among the more prominent drugs were morphine, for
alleviating pain, chloroform and ether for producing
anesthesia (insensibilit}' to suffering), brandy, wine,
whiskey and quinine for exhaustion, and perchloride of
iron, a powerful styptic, to stop bleeding. To be used
in the way of nourishment there were beef essences, con-
densed milk, strong coffee, beef soup, broths, crackers,
etc., etc.
The yard at Swett's was filled with shade trees, and
under these it was proposed to put the wounded. Am-
bulances were sent to the front, and ever)^thing was in
readiness at the hospital to make as comfortable as pos-
sible the injured. Toward noon I w^ent forward a
98 Muskets and Medicine.
couple of miks; since 8 o'clock there had been firing,
and this grew heavier ajid heavier as the day advanced.
As yet, however, there wa:s but little in the immediate
front, but nearly all was to the right. Sherman, with
the Fifteenth Corps, was on the extreme right, McPher-
son (Seventeenth Corps) was in the center, and Mc-
Clernand (Thirteenth Corps) was on the left.
At noon the firing to the right became very heavy, the
musketry was incessant, and this was very frequently
punctuated with the boom of cannon. Gradually the
incessant report of musketry and frequent boom of
cannon crept round to the left, and in the afternoon the
whole line was engaged. Toward evening the ambu-
lances commenced coming in loaded with the wounded.
These poor fellows had to be lifted carefully from the
ambulances and laid around upon the ground till tlie
surgeons could examine and care for their injuries. Two
or three operating tables had been extemporized with
boards ; at each of these surgeons were soon busily at
work amputating legs and arms, probing wounds and
otherwise operating upon the injured. The great ma-
jority of injuries came from musket balls, a few came
from pieces of shell, and occasionally one from a grape
shot.
Nearly all were perforating wounds, though occasion-
ally only a bruise was found, and this usually came from
a piece of shell. Where bones of the extremities were
seriously injured amputations were nearly always re-
sorted to. In the case of the arm, however, especially
between the shoulder and elbow, if the joints were not
involved, the wound was enlarged and the ragged ends
of bones pared off smoothly, the arm put in a splint, and
if the case resulted fortunately, fibrous tissue first and
Torn, Wounded, A^ angled.
later a bony structure took the place of the original hard
bone. This operation was called a resection, All sorts
of wounds were encountered. One poor fellow was shot
in the face in such a way that the whole lower jaw, was
taken off ; the wound, however, was not necessarily fatal.
A bullet passed through a man's skull and into the
brain cavity ; for days he lived, walked about and waited
largely upon himself. He seemed dazed, however, from
the first, and after awhile became stupid, helpless and
died. Some that were brought in were so severely in-
jured that there was no hope of doing anything for their
recovery; such cases, if there seemed to be much suf-
fering, were made as comfortable as possible and laid
upon the ground, and the attention of the surgeons given
to those whose injuries were likely to receive benefit.
One poor fellow was shot somewhere in the base of the
brain and, when taken out of the ambulance, one side of
his face was in convulsions. His case was deemed hope-
less, and he was placed upon' the ground. All night and
till noon next day the convulsions continued; one eye
was in constant motion, and the muscles of the same side
of the face jerked and twitched in horrible contortions.
But at last death came to his relief.
All were kept busy till away in the night caring for the
wounded. Blankets' were spread upon the ground under
the trees, and upon these, side by side, the injured ones
were laid. Toward morning others of the wounded were
brought in that could not be reached till nightfall pro-
tected the rescuing parties from the bullets of the enemy.
The next day, May 20, was occupied in perfecting the
care of the injured. Many operations were of too deli-
cate a character to be performed after night ; these were
made the morning following. Sometimes in the army,
100 Muskets and Medicine.
however, very delicate operations were, from necessity,
performed after night. In the medical supplies were lit-
tle wax candles that gave a pretty light, free from smoke
and without much dripping, as from tallow candles.'
When working after night a number of these ' were
lighted and held for the convenience of the operator.
The night after the battle of Champion's Hill I remem-
ber coming upon some surgeons who were amputating
at the shoulder- joint the arm of a poor fellow who had
been wounded near the shoulder, Just as I came up the
surgeons were turning the bone out of its socket and ad-
justing the flaps. This operation, in the army, was con-
sidered a very critical one, and was not often performed
when other means would avail.
At the front the lines were advanced as near as pos-
sible to the enemy's works, and at night the spade was
used freely, thus making rifle-pits to secure protection
from the enemy's bullets. The casualties were com-
paratively few on the 20th and 21st of May; yet
throughout both these days wounded men were from
time to time brought in from the front.
Meantime preparations for the care of the wounded
were made on a much more extended scale. When the
trees in the 3'ard failed to give shelter from sunshine by
day and dew at night, limbs heavily laden with leaves,
cut from the timber nearby were laid upon poles that
rested upon others set in the ground. While engaged ki
this work a cannon ball came whizzing through the air
and buried itself in the ground in the center of the yard.
One of the men, curious to see what character of missle
it was, got a shovel and excavated the ball. It proved
to be a conical steel ball about two and one-half inches
through and seven or eight inches long.
A Much-needed ''Cracker-line/' 101
Meanwhile full rations were now received for all, from
a base of supplies established on the Yazoo River, upon
Sherman's right; from this point a wagon road in the
rear of the army was made, and over this were con-
veyed supplies of all kinds to the troops. For a day or
two after the investment, Warrenton, about six miles
below Vicksburg, had been used as a base. But the new
base upon the Yazoo gave direct communication with the
great North and its limitless supplies' of all kinds.
CHAPTER X.
Assault and Siege of The Confederate
Stronghold.
'Their's not to make reply,
Their's not to reason why,
Their's but to do and die."
— Tennyson.
At 2 P.M., May 19, an assault was made on the Con-
federate works at Vicksburg. This assault was unsuc-
cessful, so far as capturing the stronghold was concerned,
but resulted in giving the Federals an advanced position,
which position was made secure by the use of the spade
the succeeding night. Believing that the Confederates
would not hold out against another determined assault, a
second one was ordered at 10 a.m.. May 22. This was
opened by a terrific cannonade from all the Federal bat-
teries ; following this was an incessant rattle of musketry.
It was known at the hospital this charge was to be
made, and the constant boom of cannon and continual
roll of musketry firing after 10 in the forenoon all knew
would soon bring in a frightful harvest of mangled and
wounded. The slain would, of course, for the time at
least, be left on the field. About 2 p.m. through the
trees was seen a long train of ambulances approaching,
all heavily loaded with mangled humanity. Upon reach-
ing the hospital grounds two or three ambulances were
backed up at once, and the wounded lifted or assisted
out. One of the first that I assisted in taking from the
ambulance was a tall, slender man, who had received a
terrible wound in the top of his head ; a minnie ball had,
(102)
Falling into the Final Sleep. 103
so to speak, plowed its way through the skull, making a
ragged, gaping wound, exposing the brain for three or
four inches. He lived but a moment after removal from
the ambulance.
The captain^ of the company in which I enlisted was
in another ambulance, mortally wounded, with a bullet
in his br^^in. He lived a day or two in an unconscious
stupor — a comatose state — as the doctors say. But the
majority of the wounded were boys, young, brave, daring
fellows, too often rash, and meeting death, or next to it,
oftentimes from needless exposure.
One nice young fellow of eighteen the writer can never
forget. He had been wounded in the bowels, and was
sitting at the root of a large tree, resting his head against
its trunk. His name was Banks, and knowing me well,
he recognized me, and calling me by name, said : "Ah,
I'm badly wounded." Already his lips were ashy pale,
a clammy sweat was upon his face, and from the wound
in his abdomen a long knuckle of intestine was protrud-
ing. A few^ hours more and young Banks was resting in
the sleep of death. No danger from enemy's bullets
now; the poor, senseless clay, w^hich a little time before
had been the dweUing-place of joyous young life, noth-
ing could harm more. By the quiet form sat the father,
sad and heart-broken, himself a soldier, but the balance
of his term of service would seem lonely and tedious.
Arms and legs of many in the ambulances were hang-
ing useless and \}nng powerless by the sides of their
owners, and soon the surgeons at several tables were kept
busy removing mangled and useless limbs. As on all
such occasions when there were a great many wounded
1 Captain William M. Colby, 130th Illinois Infantrj' Volunteers.
104: Muskets and Medicine.
on hand at one time, but little was done for the mortally
injured, save to lay them in a comparatively comfortable
position ; those having mangled limbs and broken bones
were first attended, while those with unextensive, simple
flesh wounds were passed by till more serious cases were
looked after. Judgment, however, in this direction was
not always unerring, and I remember one man, with what
seemed a slight wound of the foot, who was rather per--
sistent in asking immediate attention ; but the number of
dangling limbs and gaping wounds calling for immediate
care seemed to justify the surgeons in putting him off
for a time. His case was attended to in due course, and
later he was sent up the river to a large Memphis hos-
pital, where, some weeks subsequently, he was infected
with hospital gangrene, and died from its effects. Of
course, the delay in dressing his wound weeks before had
nothing to do with the untoward result, but it did bring
sharp criticism upon the surgeons.
All the afternoon and till late at night on May 22 did
the surgeons work with the wounded ; amputating limbs,
removing ' d.ils, cleaning and washing wounds, ridding
them o^ oroken pieces of bone, bandaging them up and
putting them in the best shape possible. A few were
bruised from stroke of spent ball or piece of shell, and
recovered in a few days. Long lines of wounded now
occupied the shaded places, in the yard, and to attend to
the wants of these kept all busy, CarboHc acid and other"
disinfectants were at that time not in use, and all wounds
were at first treated with simple water dressings. Old
muslin cloth or lint was saturated with cold water and
applied to all fresh wounds. As soon as these began to
supurate, simple cerate, a mild, soothing ointment, con-
sisting of two parts of fresh lard and one of white wax,
aptain \\"m. M. Coin
V. 130th Illinois
\"okinteer
Mortally wounded a
^•lcksbu^g. Ma>
22, 1863.
An Unusual Wound. 105
was applied. In most bullet wounds, the ball in entering
the body carried before it little pieces of the clothing,
leatiier"* of the belt or cartridge box, tin of the canteens
or any such substance first struck by the missile. In
nearly all instances these foreign substances were dis-
charged in the form of little dark-colored bits of debris.
Every day the wounds were washed and freshly
dressed. But, as the weather was warm, many wounds
became infested with maggots. This looked horrible, bu.t
was not deemed specially detrimental. Two or three
days' extra work was made by the large number of
wounded, resulting from the assault of May 22. After
this there was a constant accession of wounded men at
the hospital, but only a few at a time.
One man received a wound from some sort of a large
missile that made an extensive opening at the place of
entrance, the fleshy part of the thigh, in which it buried
itself deeply and could not be reached. In a day or two
the limb all about the wound began to assume a greenish-
yellow hue, and later the m^-an died. Cutting into the
wound after death revealed the presence of a copper-tap,
more than an inch across, from a shell.
About a week after the siege began a young man from
an Ohio regiment died from a wound, resulting from" his
own imprudence. The first day of the investment, while
his regiment was drawn up in line, three or four miles
from the enemy's works, there being some delay in the
advance, the young man got some loose powder, ran it
along in a little trail, covered this with du.st and tried to
fire it. As it did not ignite he was stooping over with
his face close to the ground when the charge took fire.
His face was badly burned, and later was attacked with
er^^sipelas, from which death resulted. This seemed an
A
106 Muskets and Medicine.
inglorious way of yielding up one's life when the oppor-
tunities for dying gloriously for one's country^ were so
plentiful and ready at hand.
As soon as communication by the Ya2<x)- was opened
up with the North, supplies in great abundance came in
for the sick. In the way of eatables for the hospital
were delicacies of various kinds, fruits, mild home-made
wines, etc. Clothing for the sick and wounded was fur-
nished in full quantities. This, for the most part, con- -
sisted of cotton garments for underwear, shirts, night-
shirts, drawers, gowns, etc., nearly all of bleached muslin.
Cotton goods were at the time expensive in the market,
from the fact that the supply of the raw material by the
South was stopped for the period during which the war
continued.
Nearly all these things were donated by individuals
and communities. Vtry many of the garments had the
name of the donor stamped upon them with stencil plate.
Quite a number of the articles seen by the writer had the
name, now forgotten, of a lady with postoffice address
at Janesville, \^'is.
The assault of May 22 convinced all, ofucers and men
alike, that \'icksburg was much more securely intrenched
than had been supposed, and that the only way to capture
it would be by siege. Accordingly all made up their
minds to await the result patiently, but of the final fall
of the stronghold no one entertained a doubt Indeed,
of ultimate triumph every man seemed from the start to
have full confidence.
2 The Yazoo River empties into the Mississippi just above
Vicksburg, consequently boats could enter its mouth and run up
stream to our troops.
Our Landlord. 107
As before stated, after settling down to siege opera-
tions there were comparatively few wounded. Back of
Swett's garden, under some small trees, the dead from
the division hospital were buried. It was not possible to
provide coffins, and so the dead were wrapped in blankets
and covered over with earth — till their shallow graves
were filled. As the siege progressed all the wounded
and sick, who were able to be moved, were put in am-
bulances and conveyed to boats on the Yazoo River, from
whence they went North.
Cane grew in abundance all about, and by cutting a
number of these stocks, tying them together with strings,
and putting the two ends on cross-pieces resting upon
stakes driven in the ground, quite comfortable and
spring)^ cots were improvised for the hospital.
Swett's house had all the time been used as a place for
storage of drugs and hospital supplies. Swett was a
short, thick-set man with a rotund stomach and about
fifty years old. He used to stand around and lean on
his cane with much seeming complacency. In his yard
were several bunches of fragrant jasmine in full bloom.
This is a most beautiful and deliciously fragrant flower,
scenting the air with its delightful odor.
In the timber all about were magnificent specimens of
magnolia, having upon their branches, in May and June,
long beautiful blossoms. Figs ripened in Swett's garden
during the siege. These, while not liked by some when
gathered fresh from the trees, by others were relished
exceedingly. Thus, tree, flower and fruit lent something
of their charms to assuage the horrors of war.
As soon as General Joseph E. Johnston discovered that
Grant had securely invested Vicksburg, he began or-
ganizing a force to relieve the garrison, This force
108 Muskets and Medicine.
sought to attack Grant's rear -on the line oi the Big
Black River. 2 Grant, who by this time was receiving
re- enforcements from the North, was fully on the alert,
and confronted Johnston with ample force to keep the
latter at a safe distance from the operations against
Vicksburg.
Meanwhile, all sorts of stories were in circulation—
nearly all favorable, however, to the Federals. At one
time it was rumored Port Hudson, some three hundred
miles down the river, had capitulated to General Banks ;
at another, that the Confederates could not hold out
longer; again, that Richmond was taken, and then that
Washington had been captured by Lee.
Of nights the mortar boats from the river shelled
Vicksburg, and sometimes, with one or more comrades,
I would go out upon a high hill in front of the hospital
from whence the bombardment could be seen. The mor-
tar boats were, perhaps, eight miles distant, and first a
flash would be seen, then the discharge of the mortar,
next a streak of fire, followed by a burning fuse; this
would rise away up in the air and finally descend, and,
just before reaching the ground another flash, the explo-
sion of the shell, broke upon the vision. Some time
elapsed after the flash was seen before the report could
be hear-' ^-^r-ne shells thrown by these mortar boats were
of one and two hundred pounds caiiber, and all through
the siege were thrown at regular intervals during the
night-time.
One cannon, belonging to the Confederates, received
the appellation of ''Whistling Dick." The ball from it
2 The Big Black River runs in a southwesterly direction, is
some twelve miles east of Vicksburg, and a considerable distance
below that stronghold, empties into the Mississippi.
Vickshiirg Siwrenders. 109
passed through the air with a pecuHar whistHng noise
that could be heard by all on the southwestern aspect of
the works. It was. a fine breech-loading rifled cannon of
English manufacture.
Toward the latter part of June rumors of the impend-
ing fall of Vicksburg pervaded the command, and later,
as the National anniversary drew near, it was said a most
determined assault would be made on the 4th of July.
Finally, preparations for this were in progress when, on
the 3d of July, word came that the Confederates had
already made propositions looking toward a surrender,
and next day, the 4th of July, Vicksburg, after with-
standing a siege of forty-six days, capitulated.
The command, though long expecting this event, was
almost wild with joy. Some surprise was, however, felt
that the Confederates should have yielded on the day
they did ; the belief prevailed that they had, in some
way, gained an inkling of the intended assault and
felt as though they could not withstand another deter-
m.ied effort on the part of the Federals. Up to date this
was the most important success of the war. The num-
ber of men captured exceeded 30,000, with a vast quan-
tity of small arms, cannon, heavy ordnance and muni-
tions of. all kinds. Indeed, more men capitulated at
Vicksburg than were taken in one body at any other
time during the war.
A day or two after I procured a pass and visited the
city. It was alive with soldiers of both armies. All upon
friendly relations, swapping yarns, telling experiences,
trading curiosities, as if hostile words, much less shot
and shell, had never passed between them. One tall
young Confederate approached me and wanted to ex-
change a two-dollar Confederate note for the same
110 Aluskets and Medicine.
amount in United States currency; he said, by way of
explanation, that he would, in a few days, be going home
over in Louisiana on his parole and wanted the "green-
back" money to show his folks. This was, most prob-
ably, not true; Confederate money was wholly valueless
in the Union lines, and the United States currency was
doubtless wanted for immediate use.
The various places of interest about the city were
visited. The several roads passing from the city, upon
reaching the bluff, had roadways cut through this. In
many places these cuts were twenty and thirty feet deep,
and the walls of red clay perpendicular, or nearly so.
But the clay composing these walls was of such tenacity
that washings never occurred, and the sides of the cuts
remained as durable) as if built of stone.
From the sides of these walls of clay caves were cut
in which for security some of the citizens passed much
of their time. I visited several of these caves, and found
two or three of them carpeted and neatly furnished.
Many places were seen where the immense shells from
the mortar fleet struck the earth. When these failed to
explode a great round hole was made in the ground, and
in case of explosion after striking the ground, a large
excavation was the result.
The great guns along the river front — the Columbiads
of 9-, 11- and 13- inch caliber — were visited. It was
these that blockaded the river and made the passing of
even heavily-armored vessels hazardous. Some of the
Confederate soldiers belonging to the infantry were
about one of these huge guns, and one of them said
within ear-shot:
"I'll bet this 'ere old cannon's killed many a blue-belly."
Passing out toward the outworks a Confederate regi-
A Brief Armistice. Ill
ment, containing not many more men than a full 'com-
pany, was seen draw up in line for inspection and roll-
call, preparatory to completion of parole papers.
In conversation with the Confederates some said they
had had enough of the war and hoped the South would
make an. end of it ; others avowed their faith in ultimate
success; the great majority, however, were non-commit-
tal regarding their notions of final success or failure.
The rifle-pits and works of the Confederates that
crossed the railway and dirt road nearby were visited.
The neighborhood of the dirt road seemed especially to
have been the scene of most obstinate conflict; it ran
along on a ridge and the approach was particularly well
guarded. The space outside the Confederate works, be-
tween these and the Federal rifle-pits, was dotted all
over with Union graves; if some dirt thrown over a
soldier where he fell could be called a grave.
A day or two after the assault the Union dead were
buried under a flag of truce. The weather being very
warm, before this was attended to, decomposition had,,
already begun and the consequent stench would soon
grow intolerable. Under these circumstances both armies
readily agreed to a short armistice for disposition of the
dead. The time allowed was too short for regular inter-
ment, hence dirt was thrown over the dead bodies where
they lay, and in cases where they could be identified, a
piece of board put at the head, upon which, in rude let-
ters, were the names and commands of the fallen ones.
Wherever an elevation inter\^ened between the Union
lines and Confederate works the tracks of bullets through
the grass and weeds were surprisingly thick and crossed
and cris-crossed each other in various directions, and at
one point there was hardly an inch of space but what
112 Muskets and Medicine.
had thus been marked. This was near the Jackson dirt
road, where the Confederates had an enfilading fire and
used it to most deadly advantage.
Immediately upon the fail of Vicksburg, an expedition
was started against General Joe Johnston who, during
the siege, had been threatening Grant from the rear and
on the line of the Big Black River. Under a broiling
July sun the Union soldiers took up the line of march
and followed the Confederates under Johnston to Jack-
son, Miss., to which, for a time, they laid siege. Finally,
however, realizing that he was outnumbered, General
Johnston evacuated his works a.t Jackson and permitted
the Federals to take possession for a second time within
two months.
Meanwhile, with the regimental surgeon I was assigned
to duty at the Thirteenth Corps Hospital, which was in
the near vicinity of a farmhouse, though the sick and
wounded were in tents and ever}^ing needed for their
comfort and care was on a much more commodious
scale than had been possible at the Division Hospital,
where I was on duty during the whole fort}^-five days of
the siege. One peculiar method of prescribing was in
vogue here : A number of f a\"orite prescriptions for
sundr}^ diseases were put up in quantity and each given
a number; consequently, instead of having to write out
a prescription and having it put up separately the surgeon
had ^ it to designate a given number, and in short order
the /atient would have the desired remedy.
Lairing this period I, from time to time, secured a pass
and visited Vicksburg, which was gradually settling down
to the new order of things. The wharf at the river front,
very soon after the Federal occupation, assumed a busy
aspect. Steamboats with all needed supplies came down
A Remarkable Adventure. 113
the river, I came near saying, in- fleets. Many visitors
came from the North, some to see friends in the army,
some to see the newly-captured stronghold, some to look
up new fields for trade and speculation, and some came
on the sad mission of, if possible, finding the bit of earth
that hid from view the remains of fallen loved ones.
General Logan, who commanded witliin the limits of
\'icksburg after its surrender, had his headquarters in
the Court House, which, from its location on a high hill,
was a conspicuous object. Over the dome of the Court
House floated the flag of the 45th Illinois Infantry
Volunteers, an organization that was given the advance
when General Logan's Division entered \'icksburg after
its surrender and took possession. The 45th Illinois
was thus honored because its members, many of whom
were miners, had, during the siege, performed a great
deal of duty of an exceptionally hazardous nature.
Toward the end of the siege, J. W. Spurr, Company
B, 145th Illinois Infantr}^ Volunteers, becam.e the hero
of a most remarkable adventure. He, somehow, man-
aged to get possession of an old Confederate uniform.
and going to the Mississippi Ri^-er at the extreme left of
our lines went in the w^ater during a heavy rainstorm
after night and swam no:nh, past the pickets of both
friend and foe. Then, upon going ashore he at once
went to som.e Confederates who were gathered about a
campnre and engaged them in conversarion. Later he
left them and went to a house and asked for something
to eat which was refused in consequence of the fact that,
at that particular time, eatables in Vicksburg were at a
vtry high premium. Finally, however, with the per-
suasive influence of a five-dollar bill both food and lodg-
ina: for the time beins" were secured.
114: Muskets and Medicine.
Young Spurr's hostess vas an Irish woman, who was
found to be a Union syi ipathizer, and who proved her
fidelity by warning her guest that he was being watched.
Consequently, after spending three days in the beleag-
uered city the daring adventurer, after night, found his
way to the river's bank south of the city, went in the
water and swam and floated down past the pickets of foe
and friend alike, and upon reaching the Union lines was
promptly arrested, but upon estabHshing his identity was
as promptly released.
It is, perhaps, not too much to say that this feat had
few, if indeed any, parallels in either army during the
whole period of the Gvil War's four years' history.
That an eighteen-year-old boy, on his own intiative and
impelled by nothing save curiosity and innate dare-devil-
try, should plan, undertake and successfully execute such
a^ hazardous feat as that of young Spurr, is hard to be-
lieve. As to credibility, however, the reader can rest
assured that the above is absolutely true, and can be
verified by| the best of evidence. J. W. Spurr, the hero
of the adventure, is a well-preserved veteran, and has his
home in Rock Island, 111.
CHAPTER XI.
Running The Vicksburg Batteries.
"You should have seen him as he trod
The deck, our joy and pride."
— Selected.
Second in interest only to the operations of the Army
of the Tennessee in the Vicksburg campaign was that of
the Mississippi Flotilla under Commodore Porter, whose
achievements were, for the most part, coincident and
co-operative with those of the land force.
Of special interest was the passing of the Confederate
batteries at Viclcsburg some months prior to the fall of
that stronghold. For a year or more preceding the lat-
ter event, De Soto, La., the terminus of the Vicksburg
& Shreveport Railway had been in the possession of the
Federals; consequently, the rich tribute to the Confed-
eracy of corn and cattle from Western Louisiana and
Texas came, for the most part, down the Red River by
steamboat, and thence up the Mississippi to Natchez,
Grand Gulf and Vicksburg, or below to Port Hudson,
and from these points was distributed throughout the
South.
To destroy the vessels plying in this service became, in
the early part of 1863, a cherished object wnth the Fed-
erals. With this end in view, Colonel Charles R. Ellet
was ordered to run the Vicksburg baitteries with the ram
Queen of the West. This vessel was not built originally
for the naval service, but was a strong fleet freight
steamer. Her prow had been strengthened and armed
with a strong iron beak, her boilers and machinery were
(115)
116 Muskets and Medicine.
protected with three hundred bales of cotton, and she
was armed with both heavy and light pieces of artillery,
a full complement of rifles, pistols and cutlasses, and,
beside her crew, had aboard twenty-six soldiers.
Lying under the Vicksburg batteries was a Confed-
erate transport, The City of Vicksburg, whose destruc-
tion was named as one of Ellet's first errands. Early in
the morning of February 2, 1863, the Queen of the West
passed round tlie bend, and under a full head of steanr,
made for the Confederate vessel tied to the wdiarf in
front of the city, for which she was named. The s-trong
beak of the Queen struck the City of Vicksburg with
terrific force, but the great projection of the guards of
tlie latter protected her hull and prevented the infliction
of \ntal injury. Meantime, the current swept the stem
of the Queen around so that she came alongside the
transport, when a full broadside of turpentine balls was
discharged into the City of Vicksburg. But as the fire
from the Confederates had, meanwhile, grown warm and
had already set on fire bales of cotton upon the Queen,
this vessel continued on down the river wliile the burning
bales were thrown overboard before the flames did other
damage.
The Queen had the good fortune to destroy on tliis
expedition three Confederate transports, but running
short of fuel in about a week, she returned up the river.
From the fleet above, a barge of coal was set afloat one
evening that reached the Queen in safety.
On the 10th of February Colonel Ellet again started
dowr the river, taking with him as tender, the De Soto,
a sn .11 vessel captured by the soldiers on the Louisiana
side of the river just below Vicksburg. This vessel had
formerly been used as a ferr}^boat between De Soto, the
Running the Batteries. H'^
terminus of the Vicksburg S: Shreveport Railroad, and
Vicksburg. The Red River was entered and a small
steamboat, the Era^ captured from the Confederates.
Further up this stream was a small Confederate work.
Fort Taylor; this the Queen designed to destroy, but had
the misfortune to run aground when within point-blank
range of the enemy's guns, and in such a position as to
render her own cannon unavailable. Under the circum-
stances there seemed nothing left for Ellet and his men
but to abandon the Queen and endeavor to float down on
cotton bales to the De Soto, one mile below. This was
successfully done, but the De Soto, from some accident
to her steering apparatus, became unmanageable, and had
to be abandoned and blown up.
Meantime, all hands had gone aboard the captured
vessel, the Era^ but as she was in a damaged condition,
poor progress was made against the rapid current of the
]\lississippi, when that river was reached. But all haste
possible was made, as it was known the swift and power-
ful Confederate gunboat Webb was only :sixty miles up
Red River, and would probably pursue. There was no
fuel available but wet cypress wood and ears of com, and
consequently poor time was made. A vessel was now
descried which proved to be the powerful Federal gun-
boat Indianola. The latter came alongside the Era, fur-
nishing her with fuel and other necessaries. Meantime, a
vessel hove in sight from below, that turned out to be
the Confederate gunboat Webb in pursuit of the Era.
The latter was dispatched up the river and the Indianola^
gave chase to the Webb, but this vessel evaded her pur-
suer.
The Indianola had run the Vicksburg batteries the
night of Februar}' 13. At the appointed time all lights
118 Muskets and Medicine.
were turned down, and with no motion from her wheels,
she drifted down in the darkness with the current and
almost touched the levee at Vicksburg. Lights were
burning all over the city, men were passing all about and
a chain of guards were on duty next the w^ater's edge.
All these were talking, and the sound of their voices was
plainly heard on the Indianola. Presently, however, a
soldier on duty near a lighted fire saw a dark, moving-
mass on the water and discharged his piece; this was
followed by many musket shots, and the Indianola, now
putting on steam, became a target for the gunners beside
the heavy Columbiads at the edge of the bluff. She,
however, received but little damage, and passed on down
the river, and rescued the Era, as before narrated. After
this the mouth of the Red River was reached, and this
stream ascended for a time, when it was learned the
Queen of the West had undergone repairs at the hands
of the Confederates,' and might be expected down at any
time. As the latter vessel, with the Webh, would be
more than a match for the hidianola, this gunboat turned
about, ran down to the mouth of Red River, and from
thence up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Big Black
River. The last-mentioned stream it was designed to
enter and ascend as far as the Vicksburg & Jackson Rail-
way Bridge, which structure it was the intention to
destroy.
Toward night of February 24 two vessels approached ^
from below, which proved to be the Confederate gunboat
Webb, and ram, Queen of the West. The Indianola re-
treated up the river to near New Carthage, when she
turned about to attack her antagonists. The Confederate
vessels contrived to ram the Indianola a number of
times, till she was reduced to a sinkino- condition and
A Most Efficient ''Dummy," 119
was run ashore and surrendered. The Federal vessel
thus last was one of the best on the river and had been
built but a short time,
The Queen of the West ascended the river as far as
Warrenton, to serve as a sort of picket to the Confed-
erate navy. Meantime, the Confederates were making
strenuous efforts to raise and refit the Indianola. Two
or three days after the surrender of the latter vessel, the
Wehh came hurrying down the river with orders for the
Indianola to be blown up at once, as a powerful Federal
gunboat had run the Vicksburg batteries, and was now
on her way down^ the river, bent on the capture and de-
struction of all Confederate craft. As soon as this
message was delivered the Indianola was blown up and
the Queen retreated up Red River, whither she was pre-
ceded by the rest of the Confederate fleet.
But what of the terrible gunboat that created so much
consternation with the Confederates, causing them to re-
tire their movable vessels up Red River and blow up the
superb Indianola?
A few days prior to this action by the Confederates
Commodore Porter had fitted up the hulk of an old fiat-
boat in imitation of a gunboat. Pork barrels were piled
up in the form of smokestacks, and through them poured
quantities of smoke from mud furnaces beneath. A dark
coat of paint and some further imitation work made the
resemblance to a gunboat complete, and one dark night
this dummy was set adrift in the current of the river
just above Vicksburg. The Confederate batteries fired
at her with much vigor, but some way all missed the
mark, and the "gimboat" of such powerful aspect passed
by unharmed; and by the Star of the West, word was
hurriedly sent down the river for the destruction of the
120 Muskets and Medicine.
Indianola. Two months later the Queen of the West
was blown up to obviate falling into Federal hands, and
about the time the Confederacy was going to pieces in
April,' 1865, the Webb, loaded with cotton, ran out of
Red River, tlience down the Mississippi, past several
gunboats and even past New Orleans, but being at last
intercepted by the Brooklyn, ran ashore and was set on
fire.
The daring of this adventure of the Webb excited
much interest at the time in General Canby's department.
About the middle of Alarch, 1863, Commodore Farra-
gut succeeded in passing the Port Hudson batteries with
two of his vessels, and about a week later communicated
from just below Vicksburg with Commodore Porter's
fleet just above. Needing some re-enforcements in the
way of vessels, Farragut asked for some from the fleet
of Porter. Early on the morning of March 25, Colonel
Charles R. Ellet, with the Switzerland, and Lieutenant-
Colonel John A. Ellet, with the Lancaster, ran the Vicks-
burg batteries. The Switzerland was destroyed, but
most of her crew escaped on cotton bales. The Laticas-
ter succeeded in passing, but in a much damaged condi-
tion.
The passage of the Vicksburg batteries by a fleet of
gunboats and transports the night of April 16, and by
another the night of April 22, has been elserwhere re-
ferred to. The success of these attempts greatly facili-
tated the carrying out of Grant's plans in his operations
against Vicksburg. Indeed, in nearly all General Grant's
important battles and campaigns in the West he leaned
heavily upon the navy, and it ever gave him cheerful and
timely support.
Major George W. Kennard. late Comniander of the iicamer
"Korizon," which ran the A'icksbur; batteries on the night of
ADril 22. 1S63.
Captain Kemiard's Report. 121
One of the vessels which ran the Vicksburg blockade,
the Horizon, was commanded by Captain George W.
Kennard of the 20th Illinois Infantry. Captain Kennard
volunteered immediately after Fort Sumter was fired on,
and served continuously till the war ended, four years
later. He was severely wounded at Fort Donelson,
attained the rank of Major before the war ended; is now
(1917) a finely preserved octogenarian, and resides in
Champaign, III, where he enrolled his name as a volun-
teer, now about fifty-six years ago. Following is his
report of what transpired while he was in command of
the Horizon:
Steamer Horizon, New Carthage, Louisiana, April 23, 1863.
Colonel : — I have the honor to report that, in compliance with
Special Orders, No. Ill, Headquarters Department of the Ten-
nessee, the steamer Hoi'izon, leaving Milliken's Bend at 9 p.m.,
22d inst., steamed down the Mississippi to the mouth of the
Yazoo River, where she remained in the channel until signaled
to pass the Vicksburg batteries, then steamed slowly down to the
bend, where she put on a full head of steam. In passing the
first battery she received two shots, one through her derrick and
one through her smokestack, larboard side. At the second bat-
tery she received two shots through her bulkhead. At the next
battery she received two shots on hurricane deck, and, in all,
while under fire, passing Vicksburg batteries, about fifteen or
sixteen shots, all forward and above boiler deck, except one
through her cabin midships. When arriving below our pickets,
she hailed the steamer Moderator and found she was disabled,
and attempted to go to her assistance, but being unable to reach
her, passed down to within two miles o-f the Warrenton Battery,
and landed where the flag-ship had gone down, at which time the
Anglo-Saxon was seen floating by in a disabled condition. The
Horizon, being ordered to bring her in, followed her till within
range of Warrenton Battery, drawing their fire, while the Anglo-
Saxon floated by almost unnoticed, when she returned to the
Tigress, and was ordered to pass Warrenton Battery and report
at New Carthage.
122 Muskets and Medicine.
At daylight, the Horizon had passed the battery, it firing seven-
teen rounds, none doing any damage except the last, which struck
the wheel rudder, larboard side, damaging it considerably. When
out of range of Warrenton Battery, the Horizon came up with
the Anglo-Saxon, took her in tow, and floated down within
signahng distance of New Carthage, and having given the proper
signals, cut loose from the Anglo-Saxon, which was then taken
in tow by steamer Silver Wave, sent out from New Carthager
The Horizon then steamed up and reported to General J. A.
McClernand, at New Carthage.
The only casualty on board the Horizon was Private (George)
McElvain, Company B, Twenty-third Indiana, slightly wounded
in the head.
I am pleased to say that, while we were under fire, every man
was at his post, doing his duty. Each is desenang credit for
coolness and good conduct. I take great pleasure in recommend-
ing to you for favor the names of Lieutenant James D. Vernay..
Eleventh Illinois Infantry, Lieutenant Jesse Roberds, Twenty-
first Illinois Infanty, Nathan Collins, Second Indiana Cavalry,
and James H. Cuers, Twenty-third Indiana Infantry, each of
whom stood at his post and discharged his duties while under
fire with a coolness and courage which deserves much praise.
Pilots Collins and Curts, and P. Vancil, Thirty-first Illinois In-
fantry, mate, are each of them experienced river men, and are
also trusty and reliable.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
G. W. Kennard,
Captain Twentieth Illinois, Commanding Steamer Horizon.
Col. Clark B. Lagow, Commanding Fleet.
CHAPTER XII.
Personnel of Our Hospital Staff.
"In the multitude of counselors there is safety."
— SOLOMAN.
''By medicine may life be prolonged,
Yet death will seize the doctor."
— Shakespeare.
The infantry Civil War regiment was made up of
ten companies of about a hundred men each, so that the
larger organization contained about one thousand men.
However, most of the newly-formed regiments totaled
about nine hundred. One Colonel, one Lieutenant-Col-
onel and one Major made up the field officers; and the
Quartermaster, Chaplain,- Adjutant, Surgeon, First As-
sistant Surgeon and Second Assistant Surgeon comprised
the stall officers. The Surgeon had the rank of Major,
and to designate this wore a gold leaf on either shoulder
strap. The First Assistant Surgeon ranked as Captain,
and had four bars on either shoulder strap. The Second
Assistant Surgeon had the rank of First Lieutenant, and
wore two bars on his shoulder straps.
Our Regimental Surgeon, Dr. L. K. Wilcox, came to
us from Warsaw, III, then an important Mississippi
River town, where he practised his profession. He was
an Irishman, small in stature, with a red face, reddish
hair and sandy moustache. He was about thirt>^-five
years of age, a graduate of Missouri Medical College,
now identified with Washington ' University, where he
had for a classmate, and which he took pride in telling,
the celebrated Rosa Bonheur, later the distinguished
(123)
124 Muskets and Medicine.
painter of animals, It was long before the day of co-
education of the sexes, consequently, it was very much
out of the usual to have a woman in attendance upon
medical lectures.
Dr. Wilcox, notwithstanding his inferior stature, was
dignified ; had a good deal' of executive ability and man-
aged his department with no little skill. He was, fur-
thermore, an eminently practical man, and operated with
a considerable degree of dexterity.
He was always neatly dressed, was an inveterate
smoker, and had a very full under lip, which not infre-
quently assumed a sort of pouting aspect, and which I
can close my eyes and see as plainly as if the protuberant
member was before me, although it was fifty-three years
ago that it was first photographed on the tablets of my
memory.
Dr. Wilcox was a devout Catholic, and always crossed
himself before partaking of food. He did this so
adroitly, however, that the uninitiated were none the
wiser.
Dr. David Wilkins was our First Assistant Surgeon.
His home was in Greenville, Bond County, 111., where he
left a growing family and a good practice to sen^e his
country. He was a graduate of the Medical Department
of the University of Mi'chigan, was about forty years of
age, and was better versed in his profession than most
physicians of that day. He was of the average height,
but was slender and, consequently, looked taller than he
really was. Dr. Wilkins was a quiet, modest man who
had little to say. He, however, commanded the respect
of all, and his friends always thought he should have had
a position of full surgeon. In the fall of 1863, after giv-
ing us most excellent service, he resigned from our regi-
Ou7' Surgeons. 125
ment and became surgeon of a colored organization with
the rank of Major.
Our first Second Assistant Surgeon was a Dr. Barry,
who met with bad kick not long after joining our regi-
ment. As elsewhere noted, on our first trip down the
Mississippi River to Memphis, Tenn., in the fall of 1862,
one of our men, who had a slight ailment, died very
suddenly, and Dr. Barry was, by some, said to have been
responsible for this. But, whatever may have been the
truth of this report, he very soon after resigned and "re-
turned to civil life.
Not long after reaching Memphis, late in 1862, as
before narrated, our regiment sufifered from a great deal
of sickness, and our medical department was worked to
the limit, but through it all we had no Second Assistant
Surgeon. However, about June 1, 1863, while we were
in the thick of the Vicksburg Siege, one came to us.
This was Dr. W. F. Sigler, whose home was in Flora,
Clay County, 111. Dr. Sigler was six feet tall, well
formed, and must have weighed more than two hundred
pounds, consequently he was "dubbed" the "heavy-
weight" of the Hospital department. He wore side
whiskers (Bumsides), and always kept his chin and
upper lip clean-shaven. He was a thoughtful man, well
on towards forty years of age, intelligent, but was not a
medical graduate. In his professional work he had some
set-phrases, and one of these I shall never forget. Fre-
quently when a soldier consulted him and would ask why
he had this, that or the other symptom, Dr. Sigler would
answer by saying: "O, that is owing to the debilitated
condition of your system." The very next patient would
Avant to know why he felt so and so, and out would come
the sajne stereotyped reply, "O, that is owing to the de-
126 Muskets and Medicine.
bilitated condition of your system." And so on, from
patient to patient, and from day to day this "canned"
(professional?) opinion was made to do service.
As said above, the Surgeon, First Assistant Surgeon
and Second Assistant Surgeon, had respectively, the rank
of Major, Captain and First Lieutenant, were commis-
sioned by the Governor of the State and were hence
known as commissioned officers. All officers below a
second lieutenant received warrants signed by the Col-
onel, and were hence called 7:on-<:ommissioned officers.
One of the highest ranking non-commissioned officers
was the Hospital Steward, who with the Sergeant-Major,
Commissary- Sergeant and Quartermaster-Sergeant com-
prised the now-commissioned staff of the regiment.
While our surgeons were fully up to the average in
ability and attainments, yet they had never so much as
seen a hypodermic syringe, a fever thermometer or a
trained nurse; for the very good and sufficient reason
that none of these were in existence. And that they had
never so much as heard of an X-ray machine or a blood-
pressure apparatus, goes without the saying, for the com-
ing of these was, as yet, many years in the future. But,
notwithstanding, these limitations "there were giants in
those days." There were such internalists as Austin
Flint, of New York; George B. Wood, of Philadelphia;
N. S. Davis, of Chicago, and others of equal note — great
teachers, all of them. And there were such surgeons as
Valentine Mott, of New York ; S. D. Gross, of Philadel-
phia; Moses Gunn, of Detroit; Daniel Brainard, of Chi-
cago ; Reuben D. Mussey, of Cincinnati ; John T. Hod-
gen, of St. Louis, and others of their kind. And all of
whom had taught the medical men, who, with their
regiments, were at the front. Yet, not one of these able
A Student of Medicine. 127
men knew anything of the germ theory of diseases, and,
perhaps, had never so much as heard of the term hcic-
teriology,
These facts being true, what wonder is it that the
Civil War Regimental Surgeon knew nothing of asepsis
and antisepsis, and that he was totally ignorant of the
true nature of infection and' devoid of knowledge to pre-
vent its spread ? True, Joseph Lister, then at Edinburgh,
Scotland, was doing pioneer work in the field of asepsis
and antisepsis, but his efforts had, as yet, been given no
recognition. True, Pasteur had begun his era-making
work in demonstrating the fact that germs were the true
seeds of disease, and were ever and incessantly active in
its spread, but the world had not yet heard; and of those
who did hear, the most' did not heed.
Our first Hospital Steward was James M. Miller, of
Greenville, 111., where he had served an apprenticeship
in his father's drug store, and where he now resides' and
has the reputation of being the wealthiest man in his
count}^ As Ward Master of the Regimental Hospital I
served a sort of apprenticeship under Hospital Steward
Miller, and later, when he saw fit to become a commis-
sioned officer in a colored regiment, I succeeded to his
position. This was not because I was as well qualified
for the place as I should have been, but because I was
the best fitted for it of anyone who was available. I
had had a little Latin, a little chemistry, a little physics,
a little higher mathematics before joining the army, and
very shortly after I entered I began familiarizing myself
with drugs and chemicals^ and with such other duties as
might fall to the lot of a hospital attache. Indeed, I
studied so hard that sometimes things became confused
in my mind. A condition not always any too safe to
128 Muskets and Medicine.
work under, as my experience with our C(X)k, as narrated
in another chapter, will show.^
We had a few medical books, among which I recall
'Tareria's Materia Medica," "Mendenhall's Vade Me-
cum," a work on chemistry; "Parishes' Pharmacy," and
"Gray's .Anatomy," then a new work just out. The
illustrations in Gray were a very great improvement on
all that had gone before, and consequently this work
took, and long held, a high place among medical publica-
tions.
But few as were the books and many as were the
handicaps, I, then and there, began the study of medi-
cine, and, on the w^hole, I never before or since passed
any happier days, and I really worked and studied with
no little enthusiasm.
See Chapter XIV.
Charles B. Johnson, age 21. Hospital Steward,
130th IlHnois Infantry Volunteers.
TO MY COMRADES WHO WORE THE BLUE,
AND TO OTHER FRIENDS,
SOME OF WHOM WORE THE GRAY,
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED.
CHAPTER XIII.
Equipment, Work, and Some Attaches of
Our Regimental Hospital.
"A mighty arsenal to subdue disease,
Of various names, whereof I mention these:
Lancets and bougies, great and little squirt.
Rhubarb and senna, snakeroot, thoroughwort — "
— Oliver Wendell Holmes.
In the field the Regimental Hospital department was
allowed two small tents for the officers, medicines, etc. ;
another small tent for the kitchen department and sup-
plies, and a larger one for the sick. This last, known as
the hospital tent, was about fourteen feet square and was
capable of containing eight cots with as many patients.
In the field we almost never had sheets and white pil-
low cases, but made use of army blankets that were made
of the coarsest, roughest fiber imaginable. In warm
weather the walls of the tent were raised, which made
it much more pleasant for the occupants.
However, the policy that obtained was to send those
who were not likely to recover quickly to the base hos-
pitals, though this was not always to the patient's best
interests, for these larger hospitals were oftentimes cen-
ters of infection of one kind or another, especially, of
hospital gangrene, which seldom attacked the wounded
in the field.
During a campaign our stock of medicines was neces-
sarily limited to standard remedies, among which could
be named opium, morphine, Dover's powder, quinine,
rhubarb, Rochelle salts, Epsom salts, castor oil, sugar of
9 (129)
%
130 Muskets and Medicine. :■-,
lead, tannin, sulphate of copper, sulphate of zinc, cam-
phor, tincture of opium, tincture of iron, tincture opii,
camphorata, syrup of squills, simple syrup, alcohol,
whiskey, brandy, port wine, sherry wine, etc. Upon
going into camp, where we were likely to remain a few
days, these articles w^ere unpacked and put on temporary
shelves made from box-lids; and, on the other hand,
when marching orders came, the medicines were again
packed in boxes, the bottles protected from breaking by
old papers, etc.
Practically all the medicines were administered in
powder form or in the liquid state. Tablets had not yet
come into use, and pills were very far from being as
plentiful as they are today. The result was that most
powders were stirred in water and swallowed. In the
case of such medicine as quinine, Dover's powder, tannin,
etc., the dose, thus prepared, was a bitter one. The bro-
mides, sulfonal, trional and similar soporifices and seda-
tives, had not come in use, and asafetida, valerian and
opium and its derivatives were about all the Civil War
surgeon had to relieve nervousness and induce sleep.
Among the surgical supplies were chloroform, ether,
brandy, aromatic spirits of ammonia, bandages, adhesive
plaster, needles, silk thread for ligatures, etc. There
were, also, amputating cases well supplied with catlins,
artery forceps, bone forceps, scalpels, scissors, bullet
^probes, a tourniquet, etc. But while all the instruments
were washed in water and wiped dry to keep from rust-
ing, such an idea as making them aseptic never entered
the head of the most advanced surgeon.
There was an emergency case, about the size of a sol-
dier's knapsack, and, indeed, intended to be carried on
an attendant's back like a knapsack. In this emergency
''Laudable Pusr 131
case were bandages, adhesive plaster, needles, arter}' for-
ceps,- scalpels, spirits of ammonia, brandy, chloroform,
ether, etc. This emergency case, or hospital knapsack,
was always taken with the regiment when the firing-line
was about to be approached, and where the First As-
sistant Surgeon was in charge and was ready to render
first aid to any who might be wounded.
This first aid, however, never went further than
staunching bleeding vessels and applying temporary
dressings. Thus attended to, the wounded were taken
to an ambulance, and in this conveyed to the field hos-
pital in the rear, generally out of musket range, but
almost never beyond the reach of shells and cannon balls.
Arrived at the larger field hospital the patient was
cared for by the surgeons and male nurses. The wounds
were examined and dressed, but never antiseptically,
for no one knew the importance of antisepsis or how
to puit it in practise ; consequently, every wound sup-
purated, and so-called laudable pus was welcomed by
those in charge as an indication that the patient had
reached one of the mile-posts that had to be passed on
his road to recovery. Careful handwashing and nail
scrubbing were never practised before operations or in
dressing recent wounds. And yet, for the most part,
the wounds in the end healed satisfactorily. The
fact that those receiving them were, in the great ma-
jority of cases, vigorous young men had much to do with
the good results. Here it may be proper to say that in
the Civil War by far the largest proportion of wounds
were made with bullets from what were called minnie
balls. These were fired, in most instances, from single-
shooters and muzzle-loaders, such as the Springfield
rifled musket, the Enfield rifled musket, the Austrian
132 Muskets and Medicine.
rifled musket, etc. These bullets weighed an ounce or
more, and the guns from which they were fired would
kill a man nearly a mile away, and that they produced
large, ugly wounds goes without saying.
When a minnie ball struck a bone it almost never
failed to fracture and shatter the contiguous bony struc-
ture, and it was rarely that only a round perforation, the
size of the bullet, resulted. When a joint was the part
the bullet struck the results were especially serious in
Civil W^ar days. Of course, the same was true of wounds
of the abdomen and head, though to a much greater de-
gree. Indeed, recovery from wounds of the abdomen
and brainy almost never occurred. One of the prime ob-
jects of the Civil War surgeon was to remove the missile,
and, in doing this, he practically never failed to infect
the part with his dirty hands and instruments.
When Captain William M. Colby of my company was
brought from the firing-line to our Division Hospital he
was in a comatose state from a bullet that had pene-
trated his brain through the upper portion of the occipital
bone. The first thing our surgeon did was to run his
index finger its full len^gth into the wound ; and this with-
out even ordinary washing. Next he introduced a dirty
bullet probe. The patient died a day or two later. (See
page 103.) These facts are narrated to show the fright-
ful handicap Civil War surger)'' was under from a lack
of knowledge of asepsis and antisepsis ; and it is needless
to 'Say that no reflection is intended to be made on our
surgeon, for he was making use of the very best lights
of his day, dangerous as some of these were.
Elsewhere (see page 99) I spoke of a soldier in the
Division Hospital who had a bullet wound in his brain
and who walked about for days in a half-dazed condi-
Shell, Sword and Shot Wounds. 133
tion, and who got maggots in his wound, The poor fel-
low finally died, notwithstanding the efforts nature put
forth for his recovery. Could these efforts have been
supplemented by modern surgery no doubt the man's life
could have been saved.
I think womids from bullets were five times as fre-
quent as those from all other sources. Shell wounds
were next in frequency, and then came those from grape
and canister. I never saw a wound from a bayonet
thrust, and but one made by a sword in the hands of an
enemy. In another chapter a reference is made to a
man who received a deep wound in the upper part of
his thigh, which, after some days, proved fatal. Not long
after the wound was received the parts began to assume
a greenish tinge and this became of a deeper hue, and
when after death the parts were cut down upon, a cop-
per tap from an exploding shell w^as found to be the ugly
missile which had inflicted the injury that, in the end,
proved fatal.
Where so many men are grouped together accidents of
greater or less gravity are liable to occur. On the whole,
however, our regiment was fortunate. We lost two or
three by drowning and one by a steamboat explosion, as
elsewhere narrated (see pages 142-3), and I can recall but
three who received accidental bullet wounds. One of
these w^as a pistol shot of small caliber (see pages 55,
73), and the other was from one of the Springfield guns
that was supposed not to be loaded. Looking back, I can
but regard our record in this direction as especially
fortunate, when the handling of so many loaded guns
through so long a period is taken into account.
The only light vehicle in the regiment was our hospital
ambulance, already referred to as a four-wheeled vehicle
134 Muskets and Medicine.
with bed on springs and covered with strong ducking.
The rear end-gate opened with hinges at its lower part
for the convenience of putting in and taking out very
sick or severely injured patients. The driver of our
hospital ambulance was a soldier by the name of Throg-
mortpn, who knew his business, and attended to it. He
w^as an expert horseman, and kept the pair of bays under
his care well-groomed and properly; attended to in every
way. They were, to a degree, spirited, and when the-
occasion called for it, were good steppers. Besides serv-
ing its purpose in conveying sick and wounded, our am-
bulance proved useful as a sort of family carriage, upon
several occasions taking certain of us well ones "here-
and-yon."
For service about the hospital men were detailed from
the regiment to strvt in the several capacities of nurses,
cooks, and ambulance drivers, etc. Service of this kind
was known as "special duty," and not a few came to
have no little aptness in their new duties. Especially was
this true of the men who cared for the sick, some of
whom developed quite a little insight into disease, and
were frequently able to make tolerable diagnoses and
prognoses. Our cook came to be of so much consequence
that he has been given a chapter to himself, which ap-
pears elsewhere. (See next chapter.)
CHAPTER XIV. ■
Our Most Efficient Cook and How I
Undid Him.
"Herbs and other country messes,
Which the neat-handed Phyllis dresses."
— Milton.
"To mourn a mischief that is past and gone,
Is the next way to draw new mischief on."
— Shakespeare.
Tom Ralph, who came from England when a boy,
was our cook at the Regimental Hospital. He was about
thirty years of age, had very black hair, dark eyes and
swarthy complexion, was of medium height and of stocky
build. He wore a heavy black moiistache with long
waxed ends and the rest of his face was kept smoothly
shaved when conditions permitted it. Tom was, by nat-
ure, a neat dresser, and few men in the regiment blacked
their shoes oftener, brushed their clothes more, and wore
their military caps more jauntily than he. Before the
war he had been cook on a Mississippi River steamboat,
and spent several years on the Father of Waters when
steamboating was at high tide. To the younger hospital
attaches, most of whom had come from farms, and were
ten years, or more, Tom's junior, our cook seemed to be
a much-traveled man who had seen no little of the world.
Tom's steamboating had given him opportunit}- to
spend no little time in St. Louis, Memphis, New Orleans
and other Mississippi River cities, and in these he had
occasionally attended theatrical plays that had left their
impressions on his mind. He was an all-around good
(135)
136 Muskets and Medicine.
fellow, but was, nevertheless, a "good-feeler," and not
unconscious of his superior experience and worldly wis-
dom. Upon occasions he would strike a dramatic atti-
tude, and with a butcher knife in Heu of a sword, would
exclaim, "A horse! A horse! My kingdom for a horse!"
At other times he would assume an especially sober,
serious mien, and repeat from Hamlet, "To be or not to
be, that is the question."
But, notwithstanding his worldly experience and other
accomplishments, Tom was very practical and was an all-
around good cook, and kept his utensils as' clean as soap
and water could make them. Indeed, our chief surgeon
was wont to say, "Tom is as nice a^ a woman."
We had a little tent in which was kept the mess-chest
and other things culinary in character, which, of course,
included our rations and such other articles of diet as
we might, upon certain fortunate occasions, have the
good luck to procure. Our plates and cups were of tin,
likewise our spoons, and these, with two-pronged forks
and iron case knives, made up our table ware. We had
one tin vessel for making coffee and another for tea,
and, in addition, a due supply of pans, kettles for cook-
ing meat, making soup and cooking potatoes and fresh
vegetables, on the rare occasions when these could be
procured.
But, notwithstanding the simplicity and plainness of
our culinary appliances, Tom always "set the table"
neatly and, considering surroundings, attractively, on the
opened-up-and-spread-out top of the mess-chest, and for
each one who sat down was a clean tin plate and at its
left a clean knife and fork, and at its right a clean tin
cup, for with Tom, "Order was Heaven's first law."
Our food was substantial, but our menu was, so to speak^
i
®
llisiory ..i the Civil War
/ Cure Tom's ''Bilious" Attack. 137
monotonous. For breakfast, bacon (which the boys
called "sow-belly"), baker's bread and coffee; for din-
ner, coffee, bacon and bread; and for supper, bread,
coffee, bacon and so on, could one, wring the changes
almost indefinitely. But, fortunately for us, Tom was
resourceful, and for dinner, if for no other meal, man-
aged to have a variety. Today it would be corn beef
(which the boys called "salt horse") and potatoes. To-
morrow fresh beef and potatoes. Next day we would,
perhaps., have a pot of, well-seasoned soup, the principal
ingredient of which was a liberal part of the bony carcass
of some bovine "critter." At best the fresh beef fur-
nished us w^as nearly always poor, and as elsewhere
noted, the boys used to say the army beef cattle were so
poor that at best they were mere "shaders" — shadows.
When vegetables were in season Tom would "skirmish
round" among the "natives" and get at one time a mess
of beans, at another cabbage; at still another turnips,
and sometimes he w^ould get what the negroes called
"gumbo," correctly okra, an unctuous vegetable, good in
soup and a favorite with the Southerners.
All Tom's cooking w^as done on a fire built of sticks
in the open, and while w^e were eating, a kettle of water
would be heating, and in this, well saturated wnth soap,
the dishes after every meal were thoroughly washed by
our always careful and cleanly cook. Tom came to be
our pride, and likewise the envy of all the officers'
messes in the regiment, and fortunate did the officer or
soldier deem himself who was an invited guest at our
table.
One day Tom came to me and asked for a Seidlitz
powder to relieve him of "biliousness." In response I
told him that we had none of these, but I thought I could
138 . Muskets and Medicine.
make one for him. However, when it came to "deUver-
ing the goods," I felt a little "shaky" and uncertain, for
I recalled that one of the ingredients was either sodii et
potassii tartras, or antimonii et potassii tartras, but which
was which, I could not, for the life of me, remember.
As we were about to break up and start on the march
our few reference books were all packed up, and further
than this, there happened to be no doctor near at hand
to put me right. As it was, I gave the matter the benefit
of a doubt, and, of course, got in the wrong ingredient,
namely, antimonii et postassii tartras. In plain English,
tartar emetic. When the mixture was prepared it was
noticed that it was somewhat lacking in "siz," but Tom
gulped it all down like a good patient.
In a little while he complained of feeling "sorter
squeamish" about the stomach, and later he vomited.
Then he vomited and purged violently, and developed a
seemingly typical case of cholera morbus. Poor Tom
was white as a sheet and limp as a rag. Fortunately, one
of the regimental surgeons had returned, and in due time
the patient was made relatively comfortable, but it was
two or three days before he recovered his wonted
strength. However, his attack of "biliousness" was cer-
tainly cured !
The surgeon who attended Tom suspected there had
been some mistake and said so to me aside. I "fessed up"
and made a "clean breast" of the matter, but Tom
seemed satisfied with the diagnosis of "cholera morbus."
As for me, I certainly got a practical demonstration of
the difference between tartar emetic and Roclielle salts,
which I shall never forget, but the demonstration was
hard on poor Tom.
CHAPTER XV.
From Vicksburg to New Orleans.
"The war's whole art each private soldier knows,
And with a gen'ral's love of conquest glows."
— Addison.
The campaign of less than three months' duration that
ended with the fall of Vicksburg, July 4, 1863, was the
most brilliant and successful of the war, and in many-
respects one of the most remarkable achievements in
modem military histor}^
Grant, when he landed at Bruinsburg, Miss., just be-
low Grand Gulf, and some seventy miles below Vicks-
burg, had but twenty thousand men immediately with
him. Yet, with this small force hei advanced boldly into
the heart of the enemy's country, and, by so doing, put
Vicksburg and a hostile army of sixty thousand men
between his own little army and the North. True, Grant
received an accession of from ten to twenty thousand
men as the campaign progressed, but meantime General
Joseph E. Johnston, one of the best of Confederate com-
manders, had assumed control of the territory threatened,
and with headquarters at Jackson, Miss., was harrassing
the invading army from the east and northeast, while at
the .same time Pemberton was striving to do likewise
from the west and northwest.
A junction of these forces immediately north of Grant
would, perhaps, have been fatal to the campaign, and
very likely have seriously compromised the safety of the
Federal army. But this junction Grant prevented by
prompt and decisive movements. McPherson, the sec-
(139)
140 Muskets and Medicine.
ond week in May, met and defeated a portion of John-
ston's army at Raymond, Miss., eighteen miles east of
Jackson, and tvv'O or three days later, portions of the Fif-
teenth and Seventeenth Corps defeated Johnston and
drove him from his base at Jackson, Miss. Then facing
about to the west Grant met Pemberton with a large
Confederate force in a strong position at Champion's
Hill, May 16. The position was well chosen, and was
about half-way between Jackson and Vicksburg, and just
south of the railway that connected the two places.
However, the Confederates were overwhelmingly de-
feated, and the two days following driven within their
almost impregnable defenses at Vicksburg, where, forty-
five days later, more than thirty thousand surrendered as
prisoners of war. Nearly as many more had been lost
during the campaign from Pemberton's army in killed,
wounded, prisoners and desertions.
Shortly after Vicksburg surrendered the Confederate
forces, six or eight thousand in number, at Port Hudson,
three hundred miles further south on the Mississippi
River, capitulated.
The fall of Vicksburg wath the consequent control of
the Mississippi River by the Federals, greatly disheart-
ened the Confederate leaders and tended to convince the
masses in the South of the hopelessness of their cause.
To use an expression of the time, Grant by taking Vicks-
burg had "cut the Confederacy in two."
Every soldier in the army of the Tennessee was espe-
cially proud of the great achievement, and long before
the campaign closed became very fond of Grant and
thoroughly impressed with the idea that he was the
ablest of Union generals.
The Colored Soldier. 141
Toward the latter part of July the army under Sher-
man returned from Jackson, and the writer's regiment,
with many others troops, went into camp two miles be-
low Vicksburg, immediately on the river. As a most
toilsome, dangerous and important campaign had been
entered upon and conducted to an eminently successful
issue, it was only meet that all who had engaged in it
should have and enjoy a well-earned period of rest. Two
miles below Vicksburg the bluffs recede a half mile from
the river, and upon the level ground inter\^ening the
troops encamped. Meantime, their duty was light, a lit-
tle drill in the morning and dress parade at night.
About this time the enlistment of colored troops (see
page 152) began in the Department of the Tennessee,
and the negro, in the brand new uniform of a Union sol-
dier, was looked upon with curious eyes. A few of the
white troops at first found fault with the idea of utilizing
the colored man in this way, but after a little all took it
as a matter of course.
While passing through Louisiana and Mississippi quite
a number of negroes had followed the army. These at
first were shy, ver}^ respectful, and looked upon tvtry
Union soldier as a sort of saviour — a being w^hom the
Lord had sent South to liberate the poor do\^Ti-trodden
slave. Following the army, however, and observing the
many human traits of "Mr. Linkum's sojers" soon dis-
abused Sambo's mind of any erroneous first impressions.
My tent was but a few feet from the river bank, but,
though there was overhead a hot July sun, there was at
nearly all times a delightful breeze. A little to the north
was Vicksburg, to the northwest was the great bend in
the river that made the peninsula to the westward, and
across which, twenty miles distant, the now victorious
142 Muskets and Medicine.
army, three months before, had trudged through mud
and mire.
In my leisure moments I prosecuted my medical stud-
ies, but sometimes lay idly upon my cot and looked out
upon the great river as it swept by "unvexed" to the sea.
Often great logs and large trees floated by in the free
current, and now and then a dead horse or mule, and
occasionally the dead body of a man. But so cheap had
human life become as the war progressed, that an un-
known body floating by excited but little comment. So
the time went by, not unpleasantly, but few were sick
and these were made quite comfortable in the large hos-
pital tent on the river bank,
At the wharf in front of Vicksburg were always a
number of steamboats engaged in receiving and discharg-
ing cargoes. About 10 a.m. one day a terrific explosion
was heard in the direction of Vicksburg, and looking
toward the steamboat landing, an immense column of
smoke and debris of all kinds was seen rising in the air;
in a moment this spread out and looked precisely like a
huge mushroom. It was at once conjectured that a
steamboat had blown up, and as a detail of men had been
made from our regiment that morning for duty at the
wharf, our surgeon at once called for the ambulance, and
in this we drove rapidly to the scene of the accident, and
upon arriving there found that a steamboat loaded with
ammunition had blown up. Part of the ammunition con-
sisted of concussion shells. A CEise of these, it was sup-
posed, had fallen through the gangway from the deck of
the steamer to the bottom of the hold, when an explosion
followed that immediately involved all the ammunition
on the boat.
A Steamboat Explosion. 143
Upon the wharf several dead bodies were seen lying
upon the pavement, and all around were pieces of the boat
and debris of all kinds that at the moment of explosion
had been thrown in every direction. A number were
killed outright, some were seriously wounded, others
mortally so, and several on the boat were blown out in
the river and afterwards swam, ashore, and thus escaped
with their lives. One man from our regiment was in-
stantly killed, and, although some eight or ten from the
same organization were assisting in handling the am-
munition, all but the one happened at the moment to be
on shore, and thus escaped.
Toward the latter part of August came orders for the
Thirteenth Corps to go to New Orleans. Our regiment
embarked on an excellent river boat, and made the trip
most pleasantly to the place designated, and went into
camp* at Carrollton, a suburb of New Orleans.
One day the troops were reviewed by Generals Banks
and Grant. Toward evening of this day word was re-
ceived that General Grant had been thrown from his
horse and killed. This news to the Thirteenth Corps was
especially unpleasant, but fortunately for the countr}--.
Grant was not fatally injured.
The monotony of camp life at Carrollton was, in part,
relieved by frequent visits to the city of New Orleans,
wdth which there was convenient railway connection.
Those in command were lenient in this direction, and
hence passes were easily procured.
While here I witnessed a militar}^ execution. A col-
ored soldier, in an altercation, had killed a comrade, was
tried by court-martial and sentenced to be shot. At the
time appointed, in the presence of many troops in line
upon an open field, the condemned man, supported by a
144 Muskets and Medicine.
colored minister on either side, walked with tottering
steps to the place of execution; here he was seated and
bound in a chair, beside which stood an open coffin.
Meantime, a file of soldiers with guns lightly charged
took their places in his front, and at the word of com-
mand drew up their pieces, took aim and fired with fatal
results to the criminal. This was the only military
execution I was cognizant of during my more than three
years' service in the army.
About the middle of September the regimental hos-
pital tents were moved a short distance and put up under
some graceful live oak trees. These have beautiful foli-
age, and frequently, near the ground, divide into several
branches that are spreading in character.
The month of September was passed quietly and lazily
in camp ; rumors, however, were rife of what was going
to be done. Early in October our regiment was ordered)
to take a boat for Algiers, about ten miles down the river.
This order was obeyed one beautiful Sabbath day, on
the calm evening of which the regiment found itself at
the wharf of the place designated.
Hospital Amhulancc. (From Mt^dical and Surgicr
History of the Cw\\ War.)
Army W'lagon fitted up for carr^-ing wounded. (From
Medical and Surgical History of the Ci\-il ^V^r.)
{See jxiae 13.',)
CHAPTER XVI.
Soldiering on Bayou Teche — Evangeline's
Country.
"On the banks of the Teche, are the towns of St. Maur and St.
Martin.
There the long-wandering bride shall be given again to her
bridegroom,
There the long-absent pastor regain his flock and his sheepfold.
Beautiful is the land wuth its forests and fruit-trees;
Under the feet a garden of flowers, and the bluest of heavens
Bending above, and resting its dome on the walls of the forest,
They who dwell there have named it the Eden of Louisiana."
— Longfellow's Evangeline.
Before. the war what was kaown as the New Orleans,
Opelousas & Western Railroad was completed from Al-
giers, on the Mississippi opposite New Orleans,, to Bra-
shear City, eighty miles west of the former place. The
railway was projected further west, however, through a
rich and beautiful section lying on Bayou Teche, known
as the Teche country. Here, from all the fertile lands
tributar}^ to Bayou Teche, wa;s produced vast quantities
of sugar, till the breaking out of the war paralyzed this
industry. From the inception of the Rebellion till the
beginning of 1863, this fertile region was held by the
Confederates.
About the middle of Januar}% 1863, General Weitzel
led an expedition from Brashear City into the Teche
country. He was accompanied by a squadron of gun-
boats under Commodore Buchanan. Near Pattersonville
the bayou was obstructed by torpedoes, a sunken steam-
boat and an earthwork, Fort Bisland; just above was the
10 (145)
146 Muskets and Medicine.
Confederate gunboat /. A. Cotton. A sharp fight ensued,
in which Commodore Buchanan lost his Hfe, a ball from
a Confederate sharp-shooter having passed through his
head. But the infantry got in the rear of the Confed-
erate works and these were soon abandoned. The fol-
lowing night the Confederate gomboat Cotton was de-
serted and set on fire. With this success the expedition
of General Weitzel returned to Brashear City.
About April 10, 1863, another expedition was sent up
Bayou Teche. General Richard Taylor, a son of Presi-
dent Zachariah Taylor, was in command of the Confed-
erate forces. He made a stand at Fort Bisland, but Gen-
eral Emory engaged his attention in front while General
Grover was striving to get in his rear. The Federals
failed to capture the Confederates, but caused them to
abandon the Teche countr}^ so hastily that they were com-
pelled to set fire to several transports laden with stores
at New Iberia, on Bayou Teche, and also to an unfinished
gunboat. April 20, General Banks entered Opelousas
and General Taylor retreated beyond Vermillion Bayou,
Later General Banks occupied Alexandria, and from
there advanced to' Port Hudson, which place he invested
about I^Iay 24, 1863, and six weeks afterwards, captured.
Our regiment, having reached Algiers, opposite New
Orleans, by steamboat, debarked October 4, 1863, and
took the cars for Brashear City on the New Orleans,
Opelousas & Western Railroad. The train was made up
of open fiat cars, and, when in motion over a rough road-
way, much care had to be exercised lest some of the men-
should fall overboard. The start was made early in the
morning. The country traversed was covered with inter-
minable swamps, bayous, lagoons and sluggish creeks. It
was heavily timbered, and for most of the way seemed
Fruit , Fires and Fence-rails. 147
one vast wilderness. Brashear City was reached at night
and next day the command started up Bayou Teche.
The country now seen was attractive and many dehghtful
homes were passed. The houses, half hidden in trees,
had wide porches and large wdndows that reached to the
floor.
At this time oranges were ripening and the many or-
chards passed were bending under the weight of this
delicious fruit. Nearly all the fences were made of
cypress. This wood was split into thin board-like pieces
and at convenient distances were posts of the same
material with mortices for the reception of the horizontal
pieces. In this way a neat fence was made, but it must
have taken a great deal of time and involved much labor.
When the division was halted at night or for dinner,
every man seized one or more pieces of this fence, and
in a little time it made many flres that heated a multitude
of coffee pots and toasted innumerable slices of salt pork.
Nearly every man carried an old tin can, one in which
there had been fruit or oysters, and with a piece of wire
he had made for it a bail. As soon as a fire was made,
this can, filled with water, was placed upon it. \\'hen
the water came to a boil, ground coffee, in which form
this article was always supplied, was added. Meantime,
a thin slice of bacon or salt pork was toasted upon the
end of a stick (see page 74), and the fat that exuded
w^hile cooking was allowed to drip upon the hard cracker
— "hard tack" — and this served in lieu of gra\'y or but-
ter. While upon the march, coffee, made as described
above, seemed delicious, and the fat meat ("sow-belly")
and "hard-tack" were eaten with a relish that now seems
almost inexplicable. Good appetities and sweet sleep,
148 Muskets and Medicine.
however, are two good angels that never desert a soldier
on the march.
The region was very level and the land wonderfully
fertile, the soil being a deep rich black loam. The
cypress fences described above enclosed vast sugar plan-
tations. Along the bayou, at no great distance apart,
were great sugar mills. Many of these were built of"
brick, and with their costly fixtures and extensive ap-
paratus and machinery, must each have involved an out-
lay of hundreds of thousands of dollars. But being built
on the banks of the bayou, the sugar made was conveyed
to market with the least possible expense. The bayou
was narrow in many places, too narrow for a boat to
turn around, and as there were no hills next to it on
either side, it seemed much like a great ditch.
At one time, on the march, the road led through a
light growth of timber and receded quite a distance from
Bayou Teche and wound about and continued away from
it for some hours, so that the direction in which this
w^ater course lay was forgotten. All at once, happening
to look towards the north through some stunted trees,
my eyes fell upon a steamboat moving slowly westward.
It looked for all the world like it was being propelled on
land through the timber. The water in the bayou was
so little below the surface level of the country, and the-
stream being very narrow, all helped to make the boat
seem to be moving on dry land instead of on the water.
Here was an instance of a boat seeming so much and
the water so little; on the great Mississippi, however,
with which our regiment had already so much to do,
the water appeared vast and immense while the boat
dwarfed into a mere speck in comparison.
"Brother Arrayed Against Brother!' 149
The scene of General Weitzel's and Commodore
Buchanan's fight in the January previous and of Gen-
eral Emory's about the middle of April, were passed
before reaching Franklin. Here was seen the wreck of
the burned Confederate gunboat Cotton. By the way,
Commodore Buchanan, who lost his life here on board
the Calhoun and whose first name was McKean, was an
officer on board the Congress, destroyed in Hampton
Roads in March, 1862, by the Confederate Merrimac,
commanded by an own brother, Franklin Buchanan, of
the Southern Navy, Thus, in the great Civil War was
brother pitted against brother in deadly strife.
Franklin, a considerable town on the bayou, was
reached, and here the command 'stopped for a time, but,
after a little, several regiments, including ours, were
pushed on to New Iberia, another important place on the
Teche. Nearly all the inhabitants were French, and
many of them could not speak English ; the latter fact
was true of the negroes as well, and it was amusing to
hear them talking in a foreign tongue. A black face had
so long been associated with "negro talk" that this de-
parture was curious and interesting.
The well-to-do people lived in quaint many-gabled, old
houses. Some of them, before the war, were ver>'
wealthy. These French were genuine Creoles.
The October days spent at New Iberia were delightful
in the extreme — soft hazy weather. The foraging par-
ties brought in plenty of honey, sweet potatoes, chickens
and turkeys, while milk in abundance was procured of
the inhabitants. Pecans were found in plenty and
oranges were ripening in the orchards. It was certainly a
delightful region. Indeed, it was Evangeline's country,
of which it could truly be said :
150 Muskets and Medicine.
"Here no winter congeals our blood like the rivers ;
Here no stony ground provokes the wrath of the farmer,
Smoothly the plowshare runs through the soil, as a keel
through the water.
All the year round the orange-groves are in blossom, and
grass grows
More in a single night than in a whole Canadian summer."l
A printing press was found complete; this was taken
posses-sio-n of by some of the newspaper men in our regi-
ment, and, upon the plain sides of some old pieces of
wall-paper found in an abandoned store, a new period-
ical was 'Started, called the "Unconditional Surrender —
Grant." Of course, but few numbers were issued, but
those proved to be of great interest to the soldiers.
From the foregoing it will be seen that we had printers
in our regiment. Indeed, in the Union Army every trade
and calling was represented, and if the need arose men
could be found to repair anything, from a watch up to a
locomotive, and to make anything from a hoe handle to
a turning-lathe.
Here the medical department fitted up a church for a
hospital ; and in doing this the pews were taken out and
cots put in where they had been.
A cavalry brigade had advanced to Vermillion Bayou
and had an engagement with the enemy, in which quite
a nimiber were wounded, and it was for the reception of
these that we were making preparations. Among the
things prepared were coffee and tea, soup, milk-punch,
toddies, etc. These preparations were made in the after-
noon, but the ambulance train did not get in till after
night. Upon its arrival the wounded were all transferred
to the cots in the church, nearly all of which were filled,
1 From Longfellow's Evangeline.
''Unconditional Surrender' — Grant. 151
and where they were made as comfortable as possible
with the means at our command.
Substantially all the wounds were from musket balls
and had been well dressed before starting from the
vicinity of the battlefield. In a day, or two a boat cam.e
up Bayou Teche and the wounded were transferred to
this and started for the general hospitals at New Orleans,
where more comforts than we were able to give awaited
them.
CHAPTER XVII.
From The Teche to Texas.
"We made an expedition,
We met a host and quelled it; — "
— Peacock. -
During the latter part of the year 1863 a ^eat many
colored troops were enlisted (see page 141). At this
period the enrollment and organization of these were
especially active in the Department of the Gulf. The col-
ored soldiers were invariably put under white officers.
The latter came mostly from the ranks of regiments that
had seen active service. But to secure a commission in
this service some considerable knowledge of military
tactics was required, and the aspirant had to pass a pretty
rigid examination before a board of experts. The fever
for shoulder straps became quite prevalent, and many an
ambitious young man who saw no opening for promotion
in his own regiment, began to brush up his tactics and
then went before the examiners and later secured a com-
mission in the "Corps d'Afrique.*' While at New Or-
leans quite a number left our regiment in this way, and
later at New Iberia, in October and November, others
went in the same manner. Thus a number of the best
men were lost to the regiment.
Towards the end of October quite an excitement was
created by a rumor that the post of New Iberia would be
attacked, The Confederates were known to be in force
at Vermillion Bayou, some eighteen or twenty miles west,
and detachments of cavalry were constantly watching
their movements. New Iberia, being so near the enemy,
(152)
''Here's Your D—d RebelsT 153
was in danger, and to strengthen it as much as possible
an extended line of rifle pits was made, and the citizens
of New Iberia were made to work on them.
Our cavalry surrounded and captured a small body of
the enemy's cavalry. The Confederates were brought in
one morning, and many of those composing the force at
New Iberia went out to the road as they passed. The
prisoners were disarmed and put upon their horses, but
the reins of each one of the latter were held by a Union"
cavalr^anan, well armed and mounted, who rode at the
side of the prisoner. One of the captured cavalrj^men,
as soon as he came in sight, noticing the throng of blue-
coats that had come out to the road, began yelling at the
top of his voice:
"Here's your d — d rebels! Here's your d — d rebels!"
Never was there a squad of men gotten together,
Union or Confederates, but had its loud-mouthed mem-
ber, some "smart alick" whose tongue at all times seemed
loose and who never lacked for word nor occasion to
speak.
There were but few sick in the hospital, but "sick call"
was, of course, held daily. About 9 each morning two
musicians with drum and fife came to the surgeon's tent
and played a peculiar strain that all soon came to recog-
nize as "sick call." Immediately upon hearing this the
indisposed from each company came to the surgeon's
tent, where they were examined, prescribed for and ex-
cused from duty, if, in the judgment of the surgeon, their
ailments merited it. In the army men varied greatly
regarding their infirmities. Some were always complain-
ing, always on the sick list, and yet upon examination
but little in the way of ailment could be found. Others
were non-cogimittal and went on duty as long as they
154: Muskets and Medicine.
were able to stand on their feet, and 'stayed away from
the hospital and care of the surgeon as long as possible.
A few were 'malingerers, and sought to "play-off sick,"
as it was phrased in the army. But this class were nearly
always detected by the surgeons, and very often by their
officers. They were held in contempt by all, as a class.
Sometimes the surgeons erred on the other side, how-
ever, and put men on duty who were really ailing; this
mistake was unfortunate, but is not always avoidable-
when some are constantly trying to shirk duty by assum-
ing indisposition.
The great amount of sickness from which the regiment
suffered during the winter of 1862-3, while on duty at
Memphis, Tenn., has before been spoken of. (See page
59. But, as soon as the held was taken at the begin-
ning of the Vicksburg campaign in April, 1863, the
health of the organization became excellent and sub-
.stantially remained so till the war closed. Soldiers in
active campaign duty are healthier and happier than
when comparatively idle. It was strange some one in
high authority did not issue some such order as the fol-
lowing: "Keep your men busy, keep them busy fighting
the enemy if possible, but, at any rate, keep them busy!"
Under Grant, however, such an order would have been
useless, as he always had his men doing something, and
at the same time gave his enemy matters enough to look
after. It was said above that a soldier on active duty is
healthier and happier. Activity, too, enforces discipline ;-
it gives no time for the brooding of discontent, home-
sickness and a spirit of insubordination.
For a part of the time the hospital department was
quartered in a house, but in November the regiment
moved its location, and then all, including the hospital,
A Glad Thajiks giving. 155
went into tents. This mode of living, however, became
uncomfortably cool as winter approached.
For some cause, not now remembered, it became neces-
sary for me to accompany one of the surgeons in a night
ride back to Franklin, about fifteen miles distant on the
bayou, within the Federal lines. Two horses were pro-
cured and the trip started upon about 8 o'clock p.m. It
was a lonely ride and toward midnight every fence-post
seemed a rebel soldier and every bush a mounted Con-
federate cavalryman. The way seemed long and tire-
some, but at last it was known that our lines at Franklin
could not be much farther off. By and by a voice called
out:
"Halt! Who comes there?"
"Friend without the countersign," was answered.
Then an officer came out, asked some questions and the
two tired and lonely horsemen were passed within the
Federal lines, just as streaks of daylight began showing
in the eastern sky.
Thanksgiving Day of 1863 was duly kept by many of
the troops at New Iberia. Perhaps the dinner eaten that
(day was but little better than ordinar}^ but public serv-
ices were held in which most of the troops of the Fourth
Division of the Thirteenth Corps participated. A plat-
form had been erected in an open field for the speakers
and about this all gathered. Excellent instrumental music
for the occasion was furnished by one of the brass bands
of the division. All who spoke expressed full confidence
in the triumph of the Union cause. At the close all
joined in singing the Doxolog)^, and the air rang w4th a
full chorus made up of thousands of male voices.
About the first of December orders came for the com-
mand to report at New Orleans, and carrjang these out
156 Muskets and Medicine.
we marched back along the Teche to Brashear City and
went from ithere by rail to Algiers, opposite New Or-
leans, when a Gulf steamer, was taken for Texas.
Here before us was a new experience, salt water. The
steamer left for Algiers Landing one forenoon and at
night salt water was reached. Very few of the men had
ever been on this before, and the experience was, to most
of them, anything but agreeable. For the greater part of
the time I was on the upper deck, and hence had plenty
of fresh air, at least. But down in the hold where the
men were, the second day out was the most repulsive spot
I ever cast eyes upon.
Tiie sailors, in passing about and seeing the men so
sick, vomiting in every direction, just grinned, as it was
all to them a great joke. De Crow's Point, Tex., it
turned out, was the destination of the regiment. Arrived
in sight of this place the steamer anchored, as there was
no wharf, and the vessels called lighters — of very light
draft — could not come alongside to receive the contents
of the steamer, the sea was so rough.
In this state of things the vessel lay there and rolled
and pitched, teetered, as one of the men said. Other
vessels loaded with troops were in a corresponding situa-
tion, and to see these pitch and roll in the rough sea was
a sight. Finally, after a day or two, the sea calmed down
a little, and a vessel with much difficulty came alongside,
'-"^s lashed to ours, and, after awhile, all got ashore with-
out accident.
On the sandy beach the men soon set up their tents and
got their things in these; meantime the sun came out
brightly, the air was bracing, and all passed from the
recent depression to a state bordering on exhilaration,
which last was attributed to the great amount of "bile"
vomited up during the attacks of sea-sickness.
CHAPTER XVIII.
-. -, Some of The More Prevalent Diseases.
"As man, perhaps, the moment of his breath,
Receives the lurking principle of death ;
The young disease, that must subdue at length,
Grows with his growth, and strengthens wnth his strength."
—Pope.
One of the most serious diseases which the Civil Wa,r
soldier had to encounter was ty^phoid fever, the true nat-
ure of which was not understood in that period by even
the most advanced in the medical profession. Bad water
and bad sanitation were, no doubt, the chief factors in
the spread of this disease. The bowel discharges, whi'ch
we now know contain trillions of typhoid germs, ready
to infect all with whom they come in contact, were care-
lessly handled and disposed of in a haphazard fashion.
As I look back and realize how I was exposed to the
typhoid contagion, and how associates of my own age
w^ere likewise exposed, I can but wonder at the good for-
tune of many of us in escaping unharmed. We really,
though, of course, unwittingly, faced as much danger as
one of the great battles would have exposed us to. My
regiment, the 130th Illinois Infantr)^ Volunteers, saw a
good deal of active service at ithe front, and yet Com.-
pany F, in which I enlisted, last as many from t}^phoid
as in battle. As I recall it, seven of my oomrades in this
company were killed in battle, or died from w'ounds ; and,
on the spur of the moment, I can coimt as many who, in
this organization, succumbed to "dtisk}^ typhoid." And,
(157)-
158 Muskets and Medicine.
sad to say, some of these typhoid victims were among
the very best young men v^^e had,
Harlow M. Street, as noted in another place (see page
58), was my best friend, and when he was stricken I
nursed him, cared for him in every way, and I now
kncnv that in so doing, I recklessly exposed myself to
.the danger of infection. Ini the end my friend died and
all regretted his loss, for he was especially promising, but
strange to say the obligation I was under of going to our
regimental hospital and caring for him, changed the
whole trend of my subsequent life. So big with future
events are sometimes the most trivial circumstances.
Another serious loss in our company was that of a
young man by the name of Wood, who was stricken at
Memphis. He was the son of a Presbyterian minister,
was well educated, refined, handsome and had before
him an exceptionally bright future. His father came
down the river on a boat and arrived just a short time
after his son had passed to the "Great Beyond," ' and
never shall I forget the expression on the parent's face
when he learned of his bereavement.
Another serious loss Company F sustained was when
Second Lieutenant Charles Ives died from typhoid. He
was attacked about the time we started on the Vicksburg
campaign, and for a time tried to accompany us on the
march. The last time I saw him he was in full military
dress, had on all his accoutrements, including sword and.
gauntlets, but it was plainly apparent that he was a very
seriously sick man. Later he died while we were in the
thick of the Vicksburg Siege, and in which he, a good
soldier, had been ambitious to bear a good soldier's part.
But fate had decreed otherwise, and one more well edu-
cated, capable young man was not permitted to brave the
''Dusky' Typhoid. 159
battle, but was doomed to succumb to one of our filth
diseases instead.
During the Siege of Vicksburg, and while we had
many wounded, a number of cases of typhoid fever oc-
curred in my regiment, and one more man died from my
company. As elsewhere noted, we had our patients in
the open under the shade of the 'trees, and I recall that
the man from my company had a very profuse and invol-
untary stool that was projected from the bowels with
astonishing force, and which ran all over the ground; and
not appreciating the hazard, the dangerous ejection was
cared for in the most perfunctory and careless way.
In that era most medical men regarded turpentine as
little short of a sheet-anchor in the treatment of typhoid,
and needless to say, it was a standard remedy in our
regimental hospiital. Following was the prescription
used:
B- Olei terebinthinas '3iij.
Olei g-ajultheriffi Sss.
Tinct. opii 5iv.
Pulveris acacia 3iv.
Sachari alba Siv.
Aqua to Siv,
M. Teaspoonful every hour or two.
The use of turpentine was originated nearly a hundred
years ago by Dr. George B. Wood, an eminent author
and practitioner of Philadelphia in the last century, and
was thought to act as a specific in healing the intestinal
ulcers, always found in typhoid. This treatment obtained
great popularity throughout the land, and so continued
till long after the Civil War.
No care whatever w^as used in disposing of the bowel
discharges from typhoid patients, and as flies were every-
160 Muskets and Medicine.
where in great numbers, in warm weather, the wonder
is we were not all infected ; for there was nothing to pre-
vent them from coming direct from the bowel discharges
to our food.
Another serious disease in war-times was measles (see
page 59), and with us; substantially every soldier that
escaped this ailment in childhood was stricken with i^
during that trying winter (1862-3), that we spent in
Memphis. A number from my company were attacked
with this disease and several died. Among these were
two great strapping fellows, who, from their height, al-
ways stood at the head of the company. They were more
than six feet tall, well proportioned and soldierly in their
appearance and bearing. Another young man near my
age, and of whom I was fond, died of this disease,
Recently it wasi' my privilege to pay a visit to the Na-
tional Cemetery at Memphis, and upon the head stones
of a number of my comrades, beside whose graves I
stood, I could, with too much truth have added, "Died
of measles."
Of those who did not die, some were left partially
deaf, some could not speak above a whisper, and the
sight of others was seriously compromised.
So many died of measles, so many were maimed by
that disease thajt I used to say that if I were enlisting
Civil War soldiers I would reject all that had not had_
this affection in childhood.
^ut, by all odds the most prevalent army diseases were
those in which bowel-movements were unduly frequent
and which occurred in four forms, namely: Acute diar-
rhea, chronic diarrhea, acute dysentery and chronic dys-
entery. Said Dr. Joseph Janiver Woodward, Surgeon
United States Army, and one of the highest authorities
Diarrhea and Dysentery. 161
on Civil War medicine: "These disorders occurred more
frequently and produced more sickness and mortality
than any other form of disease. They made their
appearance at the very beginning of the war, not in-
frequently prevailing in new regiments before their or-
ganization was complete, and, although as a rule com-
paratively mild at first, were not long in acquiring a
formidable character. Soon no army could move with-
out leaving behind it a host of victims. They crowded
the ambulance trains, the railroad cars, tlie steamboats.
In the general hospitals they were more numerous than
the sick from all other diseases, and rivaled the wounded
in multitude. They abounded in convalescent camps,
and formed a large proportion of those discharged from
the service for disability. The majority of our men who
were so unfortunate as to fall in the hands of the enemy
suffered from these affections. Finally, for many months
after the war ended, and after the greater portion of our
troops had returned to their homes, deaths from chronic
diarrhea and chronic dysentery contracted in the service,
continued to be of frequent occurrence among them."
Almost no soldier escaped an attack of diarrhea or
dysentery in some form and at some time during his
term of service ; and some had a number of separate
attacks^ In all, the Civil War surgeons reported more
than 1,700,000 cases; and of these more than 57,000 died
of the disease. As Dr. Woodward says, the victims of
these bowel troubles were in evidence almost everywhere
in war-time. As they did not take to their beds till the
very last, they could be seen as walking-shadows about
camp, among the tents, or in the corridors of the great
hospitals. Cases of acute dysentery were very much
fewer than cases of acute diarrhea, and, of course, vastly
/ 11
162 Muskets and Medicine,
more fatal. Likewise cases of well-marked chronic dys-
entery were correspondingly fewer than those of chronic
diarrhea and relatively very much more likely to end in
death.
Not a few of the cases were so near the border-line
that separates diarrhea from dysentery that the diagnos-
tician was puzzled upon which side to place them; con-
sequently dysenteric-diarrhea came to be the term applied
to these hard-to-dehne cases.
Some of the Civil War pathologists, after examining
not a few intestines from patients dead from chronic
diarrhea and chronic dysentery, came to the conclusion
that all the more serious cases of chronic diarrhea were
really dysenteric in character. But the army surgeon in
the field evidently thought differently, for, in round num-
bers, they reported 170,000 cases of chronic diarrhea wdth
30,000 deaths, and 25,000 patients with chronic dysen-
tery, 4000 of whom died.
While individual cases of the chronic malady differed
in certain particulars, they were all alike in two, namely,
looseness of the bowels and emaciation. Emaciation was
a constant .symptom in spite of the fact that many of the
patients had good appetites and ate heartily when they
were permitted to do so; for careful dieting was one of
the things that the doctor always insisted on. However,
these diseases were notoriously little amenable to treat-
ment; especially in the w^ay of medication. Nevertheless,
a host of remedies were tried, such as opium, Dover's"
powder, ipecac, rhubarb, nitrate of silver, sulphate of
copper, calomel and astringents of various kinds.
In my regiment I can recall but one man who died
with acute dysentery. He belonged to my compajiy and
was our patient at the hospital. AVe were in the Teche
A Soldier s Burial. 163
countr}'', about two hundred miles west of New Orleans,
a most delightful region, and the time was autumn, an
especially enjoyable season in that localit}'. A few hours
before death came to the patient, he so little realized his
condition, that he asked me to loan him the money to
take him to his home in Illinois ; a trip that involved a
long river journey. But in a few short hours he had
made that other journey, the one we must all make
sooner or later. We wrapped him in an army blanket
and put him in a rude pine cofhn, the kind the Govern-"
ment furnished, and buried him not far from our hos-
pital. Meanwhile "Not a drum was heard or a funeral
note." But in the West the sim, a great ball of fire, was
sinking to the horizon and nearby was a great pile of
gold-tinted clouds. So died and so was buried a Union
soldier — a soldier who had passed unharmed through the
rain of shot and shell in many battles — but w^ho was
destined a few weeks later to be felled by disease in the
prime of manhood. Later, it was my fortune to meet
his wife, and as I recited some of the circumstances con-
nected with her husband's last hours, I shall never forget
the shade of sadness that came over her countenance and
the tears that flowed freely from her sorrow'-marked
eyes. It caused me to think of what the women had to
bear while, we their sons, their brothers, their husbands
and their sweethearts were in front of the enemy.
While I can only recall this one death from W'Cll-
marked dysentery, scores and scores in our regiment
died from chronic diarrhea. One man in my company
was reduced to a shadow by this disease till about all he
had left was a ravenous appetite, and yielding to this he
went to the Sutler's and ate heartily of cheese, herring
and crackers, An hour later he was a cold, senseless
164: Muskets and Medicine.
corpse. Every one said it was a case of self-murder.
But anyone who had been afiBicted as was this man, and
knew the terrible cravings attending it, would be slow to
pronounce such a verdict. True, substantially all the
food swallowed passed off through the bowels undi-
gested, but this fact was the very reason' the pitiful
patient was the victim of an ungovernable appetite, which
last was really the voice of nature striving to satisfy its-
needs.
Chronic diarrhea was one of the inheritances from
army life that a great many Civil War soldiers carried
home with them at the end of the great four-years strug-
gle, and from this trouble thousands died many months
after the last shot was fired. Further than this, many
thousands were sorely inconvenienced, and at times had
their lives made miserable from the same cause. The
great majority of these tried to go about their daily
affairs. On the farm some of them, in the shop, others,
at the counter or desk yet others. This one may be a
young lawyer, that one a physician, and the other pos-
sibly preached the gospel of the lowly Nazarene. But,
whatsoever the calling, and wheresoever the locaHty, each
and all were working under a handicap ; for not one of
them could tell what moment nature would sound an
urgent call to evacuate the bowels. One might be plead-
ing at the bar, another might be ministering to the wants
of a suffering patient, and yet another might be in the
pulpit invoking the blessing of the Father of us all, when
nature, insistent nature, gave a call that had to be heeded.
Many, many times this call came with such suddenness
and such insistence that nature's checks were over-
whelmed, the sphincter ani for the moment refused to
'Graybacks." 165
perform its function, and the victim's linen would be
soiled.
No one who suffered from "army" diarrhea but had
this last experience many, many times. Indeed, some
soldiers were so troubled in this way that, like babes, they
were compelled to wear diapers. After suffering for
years from this affection many seemingly recovered, but
at best this was at the expense of scar-tissue, greater or
less in amount, in both the colon and lower intestine —
and this scarred surface was a most important contribut-
ing cause to the atonic constipation that always attended
the so-called recoveries from chronic diarrhea. Hemor-
rhoids, more or less aggravated in character, was another
after-effect that invariably followed this disease.
Perhaps this is as good a place as any to refer to that
soldier pest, the body louse, or, as it was familiarly
called, the "gray-back." This insect is about one-eighth
of an inch in length and is of a dirty grayish color, hence
its name. It has three legs extending from either side
of the body with hairy claw-like extremities. This re-
pulsive pest is liable to infest the human body under con-
ditions which render bathing and a change of under-
clothing hard to attain. Such conditions obtain when
soldiers are on long, hard campaigns, or in prison life,
when or where, from necessity^ the needs of the body
too often receive only the barest attention.
Body lice were not infrequently discussed in the early
period of my enlistment before conditions were encount-
ered which made their immediate presence an unpleasant
reality. One day when this pestiferous insect was under
consideration one volunteer, a number of years older
than most of us, after listening for a time, spoke up with
no little show of authority, and said: "I haint afeard o'
166 Muskets and Medicine.
no 'gray-backs,' kaze I know how to git shet of um. I'll
jist go to the drug store an' get a bit of angwintum about
the size of the end of my little finger an' then I'll jist
rub a little o' this along the inside of the seams of my
shirt an' drawers, an' that'l kill off the hull bilin of um,
nits an' all."
Later, after I came to make a study of medicine, I
discovered that this man's angwintum was our well--
known unguentum hydrargyri, or mercurial ointment, a
capital germicide and insect exiterminator, as every phy-
sician knows.
In active campaigning everyone was liable to be in-
fested with these repulsive pests, but nearly all would
embrace the first opportunity to get rid of them by one
means or another, hence came the saying: "It is no dis-
grace to get 'gray-backs,' but it is a disgrace to keep
them."
The th Wisconsin, after a period of strenuous
sendee in the field, went in camp near Memphis, Tenn.,
and its Commandant, Colonel B., finding his clothes old
and much the worse for wear promptly purchased a
spick, span new uniform, and arrayed in this he, a little
later, joined some convivial army friends in a dinner at
the Gayosa Hotel. During the meal a brother officer's
attention was arrested in a way that caused him to ask
of his newly uniformed friend the following:
"Colonel, what's that crawling on the lapel of your
coat?"
Colonel B. cast his eyes down, and recognizing the cul-
prit, deliberately picked it up in his fingers, put it through
and under his shirt front, and addressing it, said:
"Go back there, d — n you, where you belong."
CHAPTER XIX.
The Author Becomes An Invalid.
"It is not the same affair to feel diseases and to remove them."
—Ovid.
"Is there no balm in Gilead? Is there no physician there?"
— Jeremiah,
For nearly a year after my enlistment I enjoyed ex-
cellent health in the main, but towards the end of the
Vicksburg campaign I was attacked with an acute bowel
trouble.
At first I thought little of this and trusted to my vigor-
ous constitution and usual fine health to bring me out all
right. But the trouble persisted and resisted the usual
remedies. Finally, I resorted to heroic measures when
I followed the suggestion of one of the surgeons who
said he had known such cases to be aborted by the use
of large doses of ipecac. Accordingly, I went to the
cook, got a pint of warm water, put a half teaspoonful
of powdered ipecac in this and awaited results. In due
time I became very sick at the stomach and vomited vio
lently. Meantime, I drank freely of warm water, but
this and all the other stomach contents came up and much
straining followed.
Finally, my upheavings came to an end, but for a time
I was weak and limp as the classical dishrag. For two
or three days following this experience I thought myself
better, but, in the end, there was no improvement
In bowel troubles, accompanied with frequent evacua-
tions, our surgeons were in the habit of prescribing one
of the very few pills we carried in -stock and which was
(167)
168 Muskets and Medicine.
composed of two grains of camphor and one of opium.
They also prescribed such astringents as acetate of lead,
tarmin, kino, etc. All of these things I had used without
any permanent benefit. Doubtless, the Misisissippi River
water, which we used for drinking and cooking, was not
good foi' me, but I did not learn this till later.
From Vicksburg, as elsewhere related — for to make
my invalid experience clear some repetition will be neces-_
sary — we went to New Orleans by boat, and after re-
maining in that vicinity for a time, crossed the river to
Algiers, where we took a train for Brashear City, on
Berwick Bay. Arrived at our first destination, we
marched up Bayou Teche and spent the remainder of the
fall months in the beautiful Teche country. Meanwhile,
my trouble was growing worse instead of better, and
finally developed into a well-marked case of chronic
diarrhea.
Towards the last of November orders came for us to
return to New Orleans, where we were to take a vessel
that would convey us down the river, out of its mouth,
and across the Gulf of Mexico to De Crow's Point, on
Matagorda Bay, Tex, To reach Brashear City we had
to march overland, and I was so weak that for the first
and only time in my life, I got in our ambulance and
rode. At Brashear City we took a train and, in due time,
were at Algiers, opposite New Orleans. It was supposed
we were going to Texas to enter upon an active cam-
paign, and under these circumstances my medical adviser
thought it best that I should remain behind and enter a
convalescent camp. I decided to take his advice, and
upon reaching Algiers I took such of my effects as I
would most need and went to a large nearby convalescent
camp. I found hundreds of soldiers, all in greater or
War liody Iousl-, or -grayliack" (fcdu-iilus I'cj
nicnti). From picture taken in war tniie.
A Texas ''Nor wester." 169
less ill-health, biut all able to walk about. It was near
siupper-time, and a plain meal of army rations was
spread on a number of tables made of rude boards.
Pretty soon came the signal for all to go to the tables,
and I went with the rest, but in all that gathering there
was not one familiar face; and all the faces that I saw
were, likei my own, thin and drawn, most of them from
the effects of disease.
It was more than I could stand, so I gathered up my
things and hurried to the boat where my regiment had
gone aboard, hoping, and almost praying, that it had not
yet left the wharf.
Fortunately for my desires the boat had not gone, and
after I had crossed the gang-plank and found myself
again with my associates and comrades, I experienced a
degree of satisfaction possibly not altogether warranted
by the circumstances.
In due time we reached De Crow's Point and put up
our tents on its sandy surface. As elsewhere noted, our
only water for drinking and cooking was brackish ; and
our only available firewood was water-soaked sticks and
chunks that had been washed ashore. To make matters
worse the supply of both ithe water and firewood was
limited. It was now December, the weather was chilly,
and Hfe in our tents on the sand and near the waters of
the bay was not altogether inviting — especially to an
invalid like myself. But I had chosen it in preference
to w^armth, good water and well-cooked food among
strangers. One night there came up a Texas "Nor'-
wester" that blew down our tent and scattered my things
in every direction ; after these, weak as I was and only
half dressed, I went chasing over the sand dunes. After
170 Muskets and Medicine.
recovering my things I rolled myself in blankets and)
slept till morning.
As time passed I grew thinner and thinner, and, mean-
while, my appetite reached out and widened in its crav-
ings for numeroos articles of food ; for chronic diarrhea
presents the strange anomaly of a patient becoming
weaker and weaker while his appetite becomes stronger
and stronger. But, notwithstanding my food cravings, I
tried, in a way, to be careful in my diet. In our front
were the salt waters of Matagorda Bay; in our rear, for
miles and miles, was a sandy desert; consequently there
were no inhabitants from whom could be procured such
articles as milk, eggs, butter and other articles of home
diet. As it was, I used a great deal of beef soup, though
at times this .seemed to aggravate my trouble. I made
free use of toast, but, as may be inferred, we had no
butter for this. Speaking of butter, the Sutler some-
times had this on sale. But such butter -as it was ! From
its taste and smell one might think it some that was
brought over with the Pilgrim Fathers. I had all the
tea and coffee I cared for (made from the brackish
water), but, of cx>urse, cream for these was out of the
question, though at the hospital we, sometimes, had a
supply of condensed milk, which was not a bad substitute.
One day one of our surgeons was walking along the
water's edge when he came across a fish that was yet
bleeding from a wound inflicted, in all probability, by
the revolving wheel of a steamer. As the fish appeared
eatable it was picked up and brought to Tom Ralph, our
always competent and resourceful cook, who, at once,
put it over the fire and cooked it.
In due time we had baked fish for dinner, and a more
savory dish I never ate. As said before, I, in a measure,
/ Yield to Temptation. 171
kept my ravenous appetite under cx^ntrol. A most im-
portant influence in enabling me to do this was the con-
istant presence of my associates, as a certain sense of
shame served to hold me back from overindulgence.
However, one day my craving passed all bounds, when
I found myself at the Sutler's tent where I ordered a
glass of cider and other things "to match." To para-
phrase on Daniel Webster's words it was another case
of, "Sink or swim! Live or die! Survive or perish!" I
was bent on having one more square meal. No one not
circumstanced as I was can have the faintest conception
of the real satisfaction and enjoyment that food and
drink procured that day at the Sutler's tent afforded me.
After I had finished eating I turned about and had gone
but a few steps when whom should I meet but Tom, our
faithful cook. I felt as mean and as conscience-smitten
as if I had stolen something, and. was fearful Tom had
seen me partaking' of the "forbidden fruit," as it were.
But I had the wisdom to say nothing, and as Tom said
nothing, I do not, to this day, know whether he knew of
my dietary transgression. However, fortunately, I ex-
perienced no immediate ill results from my ill-advised
indulgence.
Not long after we went into camp on De Crowds Point
the holidays came, but we were in no condition to cele-
brate them. However, Tom, with his usual resourceful-
ness, skirmished round, made a pie with dried apples,
sprinkled some sugar on toast, gave the beef an extra.
turn, and when all things were considered, w^e had a
respectable army Christmas dinner.
The brackish water that we were compelled to use
went well enough in our' soup and answered the purpose
in cooking meat, but it was horrible to drink and worse
172 Muskets and Medicine.
than execrablq for making tea and coffee. Tea and
coffee, it will be remembered, were two articles that my
m-edical adviser directed me to use.
Very soon after the coming in of the New Year, 1864,
I and my friends came to realize that it was uphill work
trying to regain my health on army rations and amid
unsanitary conditions, and consequently, a furlough was
procured for me to go to my home in Illinois for a sea-
son, and try what my mother's cooking and tender care
would do for me.
With my furlough and transponation in my p :ket I
boarded a steamer at the landing bound for N v Or-
leans. The sun was shining brightly when we got mder-
way, and the se^was as smooth as glass, and a b lutiful
green in color. There were other soldiers on boara going
home on furlough, and with one of the most agreeable
of these I became acquainted, and when night came we
spread our blankets dowm on the deck and lay down upon
them side by side. Our coats and overcoats we folded
up and put under our heads for pillows. My connpanion
kept on his shoes, but, to rest my feet, I took mine off
and put them at my head under my folded coats. It w^as
a clear night, the stars above us appeared like millions of
diamonds, and the sea air was like ozone in its purity.
But we were both fatigued and soon stars, sea air and
all other surroundings were forgotten in sound sleep,
from which we did not awaken till daylight. I felt much
refreshed and, sitting up, I reached for my shoes and
they were not to be found where I had placed them,
under my "pillow !" Getting up, I looked under the
blankets that had served us for a bed, but the shoes were
nowhere to be found. Persuading my companion to re-
main "in bed" awhile longer, I got him to take off his
An Original Dr. Jekyl and Mr. Hyde. 173
shoes, and putting these on I went ajnong the crew of
the boat and tried to get dues relative to my missing
property. But when I got through I was none the wiser.
FaiHng in this, Inexit sought to find someone who had
an extra pair he would sell. Finally I found one of the
crew who said he had in his quarters a pair that I could
have if they suited me. He brought them out, and find-
ing they were "wearable," I gave him his price (an ex-
tortionate one) and put them on. For aught I knew, the
man I had just patronized may have been the thief that
took my shoes. Certainly, some one of the crew was the
,guilty one.
The trip, barring this unpleasant experience, was, on
the whole, enjoyable. Doubtless the smoothness of the
sea had much to do with this, as I was not seasick for a
moment.
Arrived at New Orleans I went aboard a river boat
that was to take me to Cairo, III, and whom should I find
in the cabin but my old Sunday-school Superintendent —
drunk ! Drunk, yes, foolishly drunk. For a number of
years this man had been a leading citizen in the com-
munity where I grew up ; had a model wife, a nice
family, an elegant home and a flourishing business. His
home life was exemplar}^ he was a faithful church-man,
never failed to conduct family worship, and his ever}^-
day walk seemed worthy of emulation in every partic-
ular. As said before, for a number of years he was our
Sunday-school Superintendent, and filled the position in
an almost ideal manner, But, by and by, rumors began
to be circulated that when away from home he led a
far different life. He was a country merchant, and from
time to time visited St. Louis, Cincinnati, New Orleans,
New York and Philadelphia to purchase goods. People
174 Muskets and Medicine.
wondered why his little country store required such fre-
quent purchases from these various cities; but at last
the truth came out why h^ visited these places. His
home was some fifteen miles from the railway, and at
certain intervals he would have his man hurriedly drive
him to the station where he would board a train for, say,
Cincinnati, and upon reaching that place he would at once
have a "high old time" drinking, and all the rest that
goes with it. His spree over, he would shave, bathe, put
on clean linen and take a train for home, where he would
arrive as fresh and sunny as a spring morning, for he
was as genial and pleasant a man as one would meet in
a month's travel. In the most literal sense, this man
lived two lives ; he was a veritable Dr. Jekyl and Mr.
Hyde when Robert "Louis Stevenson^ was in his sw^ad-
dling clothes. Living off the railway, wdth no telegraph,
and remote from lines of travel made this double life
easier to carry on. But in the end it was known to all
who cared to look into the matter.
As one of this man's Sunday-school scholars I had all
along been loath to believe the stories that were in cir-
culation relative to him, but after meeting him on the
boat in a drunken fit, there was no longer room to ques-
tion the matter. Doubtless he was what we today call a
periodic, and about so often the craving for liquor came
upon him, and there seemed nothing to do but gratify it.
He was, however, too proud and had too much respect
for his family to indulge his appetite at home.
Upon meeting him on the boat he tried to talk a little,
but, realizing his condition, he excused himself by saying
he had an errand in the city that he must attend to at
1 Author of Dr. Jekyl and Mr. Hyde.
Home on Sick-leave. 175
once, and this done he would return and go up the river
with me. Having said this, he left the boat and did not
return, and I made the trip North unthout him. The
next time I saw him I was a guest at his home, and when
bedtime came no minister of the gospel could have con-
ducted family worship with more dignity and propriety
than he.
Arrived at Cairo, I took an Illinois Central train for
Centralia, where I was due to change cars for Vandalia
on the other line of the road. At Centralia I sat down
to the first civilized meal I had eaten in fifteen months;
and a white table cloth, in lieu of rough boards (which
we were sometimes so fortunate as to have), clean white
plates, teacups and saucers, and bright knives and forks,
in the place of tin plates, tin cups and rusty knives, made
an impression on me such as no one but a soldier can
realize. In due time I arrived at Vandalia, where I took
the hack for Greenville, twent}'' miles west and not then
on a railroad, Although in Januar}"", the day was not
cold and the ride not over fatiguing.
Arrived home, my mother, brother and sisters were
delighted to 'see me, but must have been shocked at my
appearance, so thin and wan had I become. I at once
set about the business of tr}4ng to get better.
My mother's cooking seemed little short of a godsend,
and I certainly was in a state of mind to appreciate new
milk, fresh eggs and sweet butter. Boiled milk, soft-
cooked eggs, toast, tea and coffee comprised my staple
diet, and, having my mother prepare these for me, was
a great satisfaction.
From time to time I consulted a physician, took his
medicine and tried to carry out his directions. For-
tunately, the days of my ravenous appetite had gone by.
176 Muskets and Medicine.
Slowly, very, very slowly I began to improve. Bat it
was not unlike a man walking up a slippery hill, for to-
day I would be better and tomorrow not so well again.
I would gain a little, and then seem to lose. But, for-
tunately, in the k>ng run my really vigorous f^~>nstitution
served me a good part, and as weeks passed y I could
see that I was gaining.
As I began to improve I grew restless, beca se I w_as
away from my regiment. Indeed, I was in a ]. sition to
sympathize with a caged bird. For, however haid it was
for a lad to in the beginning relinquish his plans in civil
Hfe and join the army, and however camp life may at
first have gone against the grain, after a time associa-
tions were formed and ties created that made one's regi-
ment seem his real and only proper place. Indeed, one
felt an interest in his regiment not unlike that in his fam-
ily, though, of course, it was of a different kind. This
interest in one's command produced an indescribable
feeling and a burning desire to be with one's organiza-
tion and share its fortunes, whether ■'ood or bad.
By and by came inklings of a c impaign which the
Army of the Gulf, in which my regin pnt was an integral
part, was about to enter upon in the ii terior of Louisiana
and up the Red River.
Towards the end of April, 1864, came the report that
this campaign had ended disastrously, and that many of
my regiment had been killed, wounded and captured!
One who has not been situated as I then was can, in any
:sense, realize my sensations when this report reached me.
Like the above-named caged bird, beating at the bars of
its cage, I berated the fortune that had driven me to,
and kept me at my home where I could not share the
fortune of my comrades, bad as this proved to be in the
/
Red River — A Disastrous Campaign. 177
end; for, in due time, letters were received telling us
that a number in my regiment had been killed and
wounded, and \^ry many taken prisoners. All this made
it plain that the organization had been badly crippled, to
put it mildly.
Early in the spring of 1864, General N. P. Banks,
Commander of the Army of the Gulf Department, or-
ganized an expedition which had as its main object the
capture of Shreveport, La., situated on Red River. The
expedition was badly managed from the beginning, and
when the Federal Army approached Mansfield, La., its
advance brigade was attacked by a superior force and
badly defeated before re-enforcements could be brought
up. This brigade, a small one under the command of
that valiant soldier, General T. E. G. Ransom, made a
heroic resistance, txit was finally beaten by overwhelm-
ing numbers. My regiment was a part of General Ran-
som's Brigade, and, wi^^'i the rest, fought desperately and
lost heavily in killed, /ounded and missing.
Among the captur .d was the medical department of
the regiment, includ ng the surgeons and all the hospital
attaches, who were well treated and a little later liberated
because they were non-combatants. In later months,
when I had returned to my regiment, those connected
with the hospital never tired of telling of the kind and
considerate treatment they received at the hands of the
Confederate surgeons, and one of these, by the name of
Zeigler, was referred to as especially obliging, and like-
wise a fine physician and skillful operator. After get-
ting "first-hand" information relative to the Red River
expedition, I all the more regretted that my illness had
deprived me of being with my regiment and bearing my
humble part; for, as the sequel proved, had I been a
12
178 Muskets and Medicine.
participant, barring accidents, I should have been taken
prisoner and thus afforded the opportunity of seeing the
"inside" of what we then styled "The Great Rebellion,"
and then liberated along with my associates, and per-
mitted to return to my duties in the regimental medical
department.
But to go back to my invalidism which I was impa-
tiently trying to endure, and if possible overcome, at my
home in Illinois. As said before, I was no longer tor-
mented with a ravenous appetite, and consequently I had
little trouble in ^sticking close to the prescribed diet of
milk, soft-cooked eggs, toast, etc. With the coming of
the warm spring months I realized that I was making
substantial progress on the road toward relative recovery.
I was gaining in strength and flesh, and one day felt
strong enough to mount a horse and ride several miles
to the farmhouse of Captain Denny Donnell, of my com-
pany, who was promoted to the captaincy of Company F,
after the death of Captain Colby, who, it will be remem-
bered, was mortally wounded at Vicksburg. I arrived at
the Captain Donnell home a little before noon on a beau-
tiful May day and gladly accepted an invitation to stay
to dinner. And at this dinner, now fifty-two years in
the past, I yet recall most excellent home-made bread,
freshly churned, sweet butter, and plenty of what we to-
day call "whole" sweet milk of the very best quality.
Doubtless, my ride had made me hungry, but, anyway, I
ate heartily and was none the worse for it.
Although four months had gond by since I had seen
Captain Donnell, yet his wife was greatly interested in
meeting someone who had seen and talked wnth him since
she had. She was a noble woman, had a number of
children, and was managing these and the farm besides.
A Soldiers Wife. 179
As we talked about her husband, the tears welled up, and
these at first she tried to hide, but her woman's heart
was more tender than her will was strong, and in the
end tears suffused her cheeks. Verily, in war-time the
women, no less than the men, have their burdens to bear
and, at times, to all but stagger under.
As said before, soon after getting home I consulted a
physician and, for a time, took his medicine, but after
awhile, not seeing any pronounced improvement, stopped
taking it. I had the usual experience of friends and old
ladies coming in and suggesting various cure-alls.
One day I met an officer who had resigned from the
army on account of a severe attack of chronic diarrhea
and who alleged that he w^as cured by using vtry freely
a decoction made of a certain herb which he described
in such a way that I thought I could identify it. Any-
way, in search of it I made long w^alks about the country,
but I could not satisfy myself that I had found the plant
wnth the alleged healing properties. Finally, I decided to
give the matter the benefit of a doubt and made and
drank decoctions of various w^eeds, all of which I sur-
vived and, meantime, slowly improved, as said before.
Here I will digress and anticipate enough to say that
I had this disease, in all, no less than six years. True, I
recovered a fair degree of strength and my normal
weight, but when feeling .the best, I realized that this
ailment, like the sword of Damocles, was ever hanging
over me. In other words, I was never free from a pos-
sible acute manifestation of the trouble; for the fires of
disease had not been entirely put out, so to speak, and
were yet smouldering, ready to kindle and start up after
any imprudence or unusual exposure.
180 Muskets and Medicine,
During the winter of 1866-7, more an a year after
the Civil War, I attended my first cou e of lectures at
Ann Arbor, Mich., and then and there ly old enemy at
times hounded me ; and upon occasions is hounding was
especially annoying and embarrassing. A. little error in
diet; an unusual exposure of some kind was almost sure
to bring on an attack.
In the spring of 1868 I went to St. Louis, near which
city I lived, to take a summer course in medicine. I was
fortunate in being given the privilege of dissecting a fine
cadaver, free of charge, through the kindness of that
accomplished surgeon, Dr. John T. Hodgen, then in the
flower of his career, and who was especially kind and
helpful to me in various other ways. One of the
younger McDowells gave special demonstrations in anat-
omy, which I also had the privilege of attending. I
also was permitted to follow the best surgeons and
internalists through the wards of the hospitals. But my
old enemy again hounded me, the Iv ississippi River water
acted on my system like a purgati^ e, and my old trouble
became so aggravated that I wa / obliged to leave the
city, notwithstanding the excep ional opporttmities I
realized I was leaving behind me. Later, I began the
practice of medicine, and had been thus engaged for
some time before the attacks of my old army trouble
ceased to annoy me. But, even then the disease left
behind certain permanent disabilities which I will not
here detail.
Tliis much I have thought proper to refer to that the
reader, who has come on the stage in the generation
since the Civil War may know that, even the more for-
tunate, who participated in that great struggle, came out
A Soldier's Bee-hive. 181
of it, many thousands of them, very much the worse,
physically, for their experience.
As the month of June, 1864, approached I became so
restless that I determined to return to my regiment,
though only partially recovered in health, So, one bright
day we drove to Vandalia where I boarded an Illinois
Central train for Cairo, 111., which I reached after an all-
night ride. Cairo was a most important place duringi:he
Civil War. It was, so to speak, one of the war's great
portals, and through it passed immense quantities of
munitions, army supplies, stores of one kind and. another,
and many, many soldiers, going to and from the front.
To the soldiers it was not unlike the mouth of a great
bee-hive. Indeed, the men ser^ang on and contiguous to
the Mississippi, literally swarmed there. And whether it
was the new recruit, the veteran going to the front, or
others going home on furlough, Cairo, at all times,
seemed alive with bluecoats. They came on incoming
trains and up-river steamboats. They went away on
outgoing trains and down-river boats, and meantime they
crossed and cris-crossed the town in every direction.
They crowded its stations, hotels, boarding-houses and
waiting-rooms, and, if it must be said, its saloons, as well.
I secured passage on a down-river steamboat, but be-
fore this started I was almost overcome by heat, as that
June day was one of the hottest I ever experienced. In
due time the boat got underway, a pleasant breeze sprang
up and my spirits raised with the prospect of soon meet-
ing my comrades. On board was the usual complement
of soldiers, nearly all of whom had been home on fur-
loughs. From time to time the boat would land at a
woodyard to secure needed fuel, and it was always an
interesting' sight to see the brawny armed negroes carry
182 Muskets and Medicine.
the wood across the gang-plank and on the boat. This
work was often accompanied by a rhythmical chant from
the throats of the dusky toilers. When a due quantity
of wood had been secured the bell would ring for all to
come on board, the gang-plank would be hauled in and
the tinkle of a smaJl bell near the engine would be the
signal for the vessel to again get underway.
The river was full, the banks were low and lined with
trees, many of them overhanging the water and clothed
in a new dress of rich green. After a time a series of
long whistles would notify us that the boat was to make
a landing at some littl^ river town where freight was to
be put off and some taken on. Arrived at the landing a
great hawser would be thrown ashore and made fast to
a tree or strong post, then the gang-plank would be put
out, and over this wouJd go the always stalwart and ever
happy deck hands, black as night, most of them.
Not infrequently we would come to a gunboat, w^hen
we would stop while some of its crew came to us in a
yawl, and maybe coma aboard for a few moments' con-
sultation with the captain ; for guerrillas and bands of
Confederates were a constant menace to navigation, and
the river was patrolled from St. Louis to its mouth by
armored vessels, and more than half the steamboats we
met showed where they had been perforated by rifle or
cannon shoit. (See page 72.)
When we had passed to the south of Memphis I was
sitting half unconsciously on the cabin deck, with sev-
eral companions, toward the forward part of the vessel,
when, on the Mississippi shore, a man was seen to
approach the water's edge and raise a gun to his shoulder
and fire in our direction. We were near the middle of
the river and the bullet struck the water not far from
''Home Ao-ain." 18'
o
the boat. Some of those about me, thinking that maybe
there were more rifllemen to spring up, became a Httle
excited. One of these, a large burly naval officer, ran
and took refuge behind a cotton bale. Here, it is proper
to say, that every Mississippi steamboat in war-time pro-
tected all its decks with piles of cotton bales. But it
turned out that the man who fired the musket w^as our
solitary foeman, if foe he was, for no one knew his
■motive.
W^hile I knew that my regiment was at some point on
the river I did not know just where. Finally at some
place we landed well down the Mississippi I learned that
it was at Baton Rouge, which place was reached , about
midnight near the middle of June; and, although the
night was dark and all about strange, it w^as wdth a glad
heart that I stepped upon the wharf and ascertained
from some soldiers on guard that my regiment was
encamped about a half mile away. Following the direc-
tions given me and walking for a time, I saw through
the gloom the shadowy outline of tents, and among these
found first my regiment and then its medical department,
where, with my knapsack for a pillow and blanket for
cover, was soon fast asleep.
Early next morning I was up to receive the greetings
of friends. And will the reader believe me when I say
that I now felt really at home again, and for the first
time since leaving my regiment, five months before, was
happy and content. Doubtless, part of this feeling w^as
due to my much improved health.
While many of our men had been captured, a consid-
erable nucleus was left, and in the ranks and among the
officers I came across not a few^ of my old friends and
acquaintances. I found my individual department not a
184 Muskets and Medicine.
little "down-at-the-heel," if I may so speak, and I soon
got busy setting things to rights and getting in the har-
ness again.
Not long after my return a number of the regimental
officers came to us who had been captured at Mansfield,
but were so fortunate as to secure paroles. Among
these was our Lieutenant Colonel John B, Reid, who was
shot through the lungs and was first reported killed, but,
fortunately, made a good recovery, served till the war
ended and returned to Greenville, III, where he recently
died of old age. He was one of the bravest and best
officers in our regiment, and had the esteem and respect
of all.
Lieutenant-Colonel Tolin B. Reid. 13(ith
Infantrv \'olunteers.
CHAPTER XX.
On The Mississippi in 1864.
"War's a brain-splitting, wind-pipe slitting, art
Unless her cause by right is sanctified."
— Byron.
'Tents, guidons, bannerole are moved afar, —
Rising elsewhere as rises a morning-star."
— E. C. Stedman.
Baton Rouge seemed quite a pleasant place, though
its State House was in ruins, having been burned in the
exigencies of war and left with some of its bare brick
walls standing. Just north of the town was the Arsenal
enclosed with earthworks and well protected by artillery.
In this the Post Quartermaster had his office and sup-
plies, and hither I w-as w^ont to come to get the hospital
rations.
It was Baton Rouge's fortune to be twice in the hands
of the Confederates and twice in the possession of the
Federals. The Confederates occupied it from the out-
break of the war till the Federals took possession of it
shortly after Farragut captured New Orleans in the
spring of 1862. General Williams, with several thousand
troops, was stationed here, and in the summer of 1862
there was so much serious sickness that the ranks were
ver)' much thinned. Learning of this, General John C.
Breckenridge attacked the Federals in strong force,
August 5, 1862. General Williams could rally but
twenty-five hundred men for the defense, almost pre-
cisely one-half the strength of the Confederates, who
attacked with great vigor. Maine, Vermont, Connecticut,
(185)
186 Muskets and Medicine.
Massachusetts, Michigan, Wisconsin and Indiana were
represented in General WilHams' Httle army, but so
many men were sack that the regiments engaged had
been reduced to mere skeletons. The Indiana regiment
lost all its field officers, and General Williams, putting
himself at its head, said: "Boys, I will lead you," and,
suiting the action to the word, was received with hearty
cheers, but a moment later received a rifle ball in the
breast and died instantly. The Confederates were re-
pulsed, but nevertheless. Baton Rouge was a little later
evacuated by the Federals.
In December, 1862, the Capitol City was again taken
possession of by Union troops, and never afterwards
passed from their control.
Our camp was delightfully located and, although it
was mid-summer, yet tlie weather was enjoyable and as
moderate as could be wished for. Somewhere we found
a book on games, and somehow it occured to us to learn
to play chess. At one of the Baton Rouge stores we
found a set of chess made out of bone, and that, I think,
the dealer proposed to sell us for three dollars and a
half. We realized that it was a case of robbery, but as
we wanted the chess, we "chipped in" and the coveted
chessmen were ours. At the game we spent hours and
hours, and in the end became average players. Among
those in the regiment who played with us was a private
by the name of Hunt, who had very black hair, very
black eyes and very long black whiskers. He had a high
forehead and unusually good features; indeed, he was
what would, today, be termed a typical "high-brow." I
can see liim yet in a brown study over a contemplated
chess-move, his long whiskers wrapped about one hand
and his fine eyes alight with the purpose he had in mind.
A Burning Steamer. 187
He seemed to have within him the seeds of promise, and
I have often wondered what his future did for him^ for
when the war ended we parted company and I have
never since seen or heard from him.
There were not a few well cultivated gardens around'
Baton Rouge, and we used to buy beans, cabbage, peas,
new potatoes, greens, etc., and these our hospital caterer
always knew how to cook to the best advantage. Not
infrequently the "natives" were glad to trade their
vegetables for our surplus rations of coffee, tea, bacon,
rice, etc.
But all too soon the day came when we were ordered
to leave our pleasant surroundings at Baton Rouge and
go up the river to Morganza Bend., La., where a division
of Federal troops was encamped. We, of course, obeyed
orders, went aboard a boat, steamed up the river and,
in due time, reached our destination and went about
making our new quarters as comfortable as circumstances
would allow.
Not long after reaching Morganza Bend our cook got
a furlough and went up the river to his home in Illinois.
We missed him at his always well-filled post, but got
along as well as we could without him. One day a boat
came to the landing, and off it clambered Tom Ralph,
our greatly missed cook. We soon learned that the boat
he had just got off from was the second one he had
boarded since leaving Cairo. Somewhere south of Vicks-
burg the first one caught fire, the captain headed for the
nearest shore, but before this was reached the vessel
became unmanageable, and there was nothing to do but
jump in the river and swim ashore, which Tom did, but
others failed to do so, and were drowned.
188 Muskets and Medicine.
After tlie war had been in progress a year or two
the Sanitary Commission was organized. This organiza-
tion had the support of weahhy and prominent people
throughout the North, and was the means of reheving
much suffering among the soldiers. It supplied cotton
shirts and gowns for the sick. The reader should bear
in mind that the war had almost destroyed the cultiva-
tion of cotton in the Southern States, and what was
raised could not be disposed of, consequently cotton
goods were at a premium. (See page 106.) At home
women were paying 50 cents a yard for their calico
dresses, and esteemed themselves well attired when
arrayed in one. The Sanitary Commission supplied the
hospitals with loaf sugar, home-made wines, preserves,
soda crackers, etc., all of which were delicacies compared!
with army rations. Further than this, the Sanitary Com-
mission did quite a little in the w^ay of supplying the
soldiers wdth reading matter. Harper's Monthly^ The
Atlantic, Harper's Weekly and Frank Leslie's Weekly
were some of the periodicals, and the Standard, Advo-
cate, Herald and Observer w^ere some of the papers fur-
nished ; and, although they were all back numbers, yet
they were greatly appreciated and read v^ath avidity.
To the soldier of literary tastes the scarcity of reading
matter was one of his greatest privations, and to procure
even a modicum in this direction was always a task. An
odd volume was sometimes picked up — today, it would
possibly be in a deserted house ; next week some gem
in ithe literary way would maybe be found in the hands
of a soldier who lacked appreciation and who was ready
to part with it "for a song." The book, when read, was
apt to be put in the hands of a friend, who would scan
its pages arid pass it on to an appreciative comrade who
Some Literary Morsels. 1S9
would do likewise. Throwing about camp and appar-
ently uncared for, I found a fine copy of Byron and
another of Shakespeare, which I rescued, read and have
yet in my possession. If the owner of the library, from
which I fear they were at first purloined, will come for-
w^ard and identify property, I shall be glad to surrender
the volumes, though they have now been in my library
for more than fifty years.
At one time during the Siege of Vicksburg Colonel
Nathaniel Niles, of my regiment, was indisposed a.nd
came to the hospital to recuperate for a few days. He
was a man of rare culture and education. A little while
before I had somewhere picked up an elementary work
on chemistry and was studying it as best I could, as it
was directly in my line of work.
This work fell into the hands of Colonel Niles, who
read it from beginning to end with avidity. At home,
where reading matter was in plenty, the chances are he
would have scarcely glanced at a work on so dry a sub-
ject as chemistry. But "circumstances alter cases" is an
old adage no less true in literar}^ matters than elsewhere.
CHAPT-ER XXI.
Aunt Tilda,
"The only reason we don't see good things everywhere is be-
cause we haven't good eyes."
— Selected.
'True wit is nature to advantage dressed."
— Pope.
Our first acquaintance with Aunt Tilda, a negro
woman, and, as we learned later, a typical Southern
''Mammy," began when she came to our regimental camp
to secure any washing or mending the men might care to
have her do. In due time her quaint talk and original
w^ays made her an object of interest to the more appre-
ciative among us, and, consequently, when we received
marching orders and moved camp Aunt Tilda moved
with us, and thus, in a way, came to be a sort of fixture
in our regiment. A little old tent was given her for the
time being, and w^hen in camp this w^as put up imme-
diately behind the officers' quarters. In this tent she
slept, had her few belongings, and about it did her cook-
ing and washing. In addition to washing and mending
for the men she made and sold to them sundr}^ eatables,
among which were such staples as johnnycake and corn-
pone.
In stature, Aimt Tilda was inclined to be "husky," her
face was round as the full moon, as black as night, and
this last was emphasized by the gleam of her teeth and
the glint of the whites of her big eyes. Her head was,
at all times, properly turbaned with a red bandanna
(190)
''Dem Shelbys'' Am ''Quality' Folks/' 191
handkerchief and a cob pipe was ail-but continuously in
her mouth, and this, at inter\'als, she puffed vigorously.
In due time we came to recognize in Aunt Tilda a real
"diamond-in-the-rough," for she was intelligent in her
w'ay, and was, furthermore, endowed with no little wit
and a good deal of homely philosophy.
From her lips we gained something of an insight into
African slavery as it existed in the Southern States be-
fore the breaking out of the Civil War. However, she
never had anytliing but good words for her master and
mistress, and more than once I heard her avow that :
"Dem Shelbys dat own'd me wa'nt nun o' yo' po'
white trash, dey was quality folks, dat's what dey sho'
was."
But, as was the case in so many other instances, as the
war continued it brought death and ruin to the Shelby
home, "quality folks" though its inmates were.
To quote Aunt Tilda's words:
"Yung Mastah Henry Shelby dun jine de ahmy at de
fust beat o' de drum an' dey 'lected him Majah in one
o' de fust Tennissy rigimints dat dun gwine to de wah.
When Mastah Henpy^ rode oft he was mighty proud in
his new rigimintels dat was sho' de finest I eber sot
eyes on.
"But poah yung Mastah Henry, he nebah seed much
o' de wah, kase he dun gwdne and got kilt in a skumish
de va'ay fust skrimige he rigimint dun got in. Dey dun
bring de cawpse on de steam kya's to de stashun an'
from dere de yundetakah bring it in de huss to de big
house. When dey dun bring de cawpse on de poach
Mastah Shelby dun 'ring he ban's an' hollah till dey dun
hud him clear ober to Mawpin's Criclc. But Mistis
Shelby, she jis'xry, quietlack, and .""''^e huh eyes wid he
192 Muskets and Medicine.
hankercher dat yung Mastah Yitnry dun giv' huh fa de
birfday.
'T3€n de preacha.h an' all de quality folks kenn to do
big house an' helt de biggus fun'l I eber dun seed. Dey
d^un dig de grave in de fambly berrin' gro'un' back o' de
2,uchid, 2.T1 when de clods fall on de clab-boad's dai covah
de cawfin, Ma.stah Shelby 'ring he ban's an' mozn like
he sho' g^.vine to be daid. But Misris Shelby, ^T^.t jist'
cry an' wipe 'way hjuh teahs wid de hankercher dai yung
Mastah Henr3^ dun giv' huh.
"Vooty soon aftah 3"ung Mastah Henr}-'s fun'l de
toomstone man dun kem to de big hou3e an' Mastah
Shelby dun role de nian what he want him do. Den, one
day, de nr.ar: kem back vvhd a to-onnstone white as de snow
in de winiah, an' what had at de top a weepin' wikah an'
undah a big swo'd jist' lack 3'ung Mastah Renr}- dun
gwine an' whup'd de vrhole wuld.
'''Yup-g Mastah Jeenis Shelby, he "low he mus' -.ine de
black boss calvr}- dat he dun read 'bou.t in all de papahs.
Mastah Shelby, he say no, an' Mistis Shelby, she say no,
but }"ung Mastah Teems was baud ir\ he haid, so he dun
put he sacile on de blackus bos on de place, load he
faddah's hjss pistil an' rid 'way to jine de blaar: boss
calvry in oie \'irginy dat he dun bin read'n 'bout in all
he papahs.
'Toah l\Iastah Jeem.s, nabudy dun seen hide nab ha-ah
o' him sin;ce he dun rid 'way on de black boos, an' wid
de boss pistil in one o' he ban's an' de bridle rein in de
uddah. Mas^h Shelby 'quired 'bout him eben— -here,
put 'vertismbnts in all de papahs, but nobuddy seed him
an' nobuddy bud 'bout him no place. ?oah yung iN-iastah
Jeem-s, he jis' dun gwine awf de yuth lack he de tbinnis'
ah.
M^ar's Harvest. 193
"Yung Mastah Nels Shelby, he dun gwine an' jine too.
Den he dun gwine an' got tuck prisner, an' Mastah an'
Mistis not heah from dey son fah long, long time an'
den dey b'leebe he daid. But one day, when dey dun
gwine an' guess he sho' daid, Mastah Nels dun an' walk
right in fru de do'. An' Mastah Shelby, he laugh an'
hollah, an' Mistis Shelby, she jis smile an' kiss yung
mastah.
"But poah Mastah Nels, he jis' a shaddah, an' he dun
tolt all we'uns he dun got de febahs in de pris'n an' de
Yanky doctahs dey guess he sho' die. Den he furgit he
ise'f. Den bime'm by he fine he se'f agin, an' he so pow'-
ful weak he caint tu'n obah in de baid. Den he dun
gwdne'n git little bettah an' when de C'mishnur kem he
dun gwine an' git exchang'. Den he dun tuck de steam
kyahs an' retch'd de stashun neah de big house, an' a
man he tuch 'm in he bugg^^ an' cay'd 'm to he faddah's
gate.
"But poah Mastah Nels, he lack he muddah's cookin'
so well he dun gwdne an' et so much he got a 'lapse o'
de febahs, de doctah say. Den he lose he se'f an' nebali
fine he se'f, but jis' gwane'n breav he las' bref.
"Den all de quality kem an' dey dun gwine'n have
nuddah big fun'l, an' dey put poah yung Mastah Nels
in de grave side o' he bruddah. An' Matsah Shelby, he
dun gwine'n gits nuddah white toomstone wid a broke-
awf weepin' willah at de top an' a big muskit at de bot-
tum, jis' lack he dun gwine an' shoot all de Yankis.
"Den de Yankis kem to Mastah Shelby's and tuck all
he bosses, druv awf de cattul, kilt all he hawgs an' cotch
all de chickuns. Den 'bout de nex wick de Cornfed'ts
kem an' tuck what de Yankis lef. Den dey kep' see-
sawin' lack ; fust de Yankis den de Cornfed'ts, an' at las'
13
194: Muskets and Medicine.
dah was jis' lef de chimblys ob de big house an' de bodis
ob de big pines, Yes, chile, when de sojah's was all gone
an' de bun'in was all dun gone out, dese w^as all dere
was lef stanin', an' sho's yu's bawn dem chimblys an'
dem white tree-bodis look jis' lack dey was han'ts an'
ghostes.
"Wid de chilluns all daid an' de stalk all kilt and' run'd
awf, an' wid de big house, de bawns an' de qua'tahs all
bun'd down, Mastah an' Mistis Shelby seed dere was
nuffin lef fur um to do but to cross de ribbah an' go
down to Texas, whah dah was no htin' an' whah Mastah
had a bruddah. But Mastah an' Mistis 'low'd dey was
dat poah dey would have to leave all de niggahs but jis'
Calline, de cook, an' Uncle Jonas, de butlah."
One day, after recounting some of the above, Aunt
Tilda's feelings got the better of her, and after crying
for a time she vnped her eyes on her dress skirt and
spoke substantially as follows:
"]{&' to cawnsidah ! Dem Shelby chilluns all daid 1 De
big house, de bawns, de gin, de qua'tahs 's all in ashes!.
An' poah Mastah an' Mistis Shelby dun gwine 'way down
in Texas whah I sho' neber seed um eny moah !
"Dem Shelby chilluns, dat's all dun gwdne'n to de>^
graves was jis' lak dey was de 'same as mine. Yung
Mastah Henry was jis' six weeks yungah dan my
N'polyun; an' yung Mastah Jeems was less'n a yeah
oldah dan my Ce'sah; an' yung Mastah Nels was bawn
on de same day wid my P'laski. Dem Shelby chilluns,
dey all dun gwine an' suck des yere ole black bres's jis'
lack dey was my own, an' lack de blood in da'ah bodis
was de same as de blood dat run fru my vains. An'
when dey gits a little biggah dey plays wid my boys jis'
lack dey was all bruddahs. An' nun o' dem cay'd who
Slaves and Some Slave-owners. 195
was black an' who was white, all jis' de same wid dem
six childuns."
But while Aunt Tilda was loyal to the Shelbys and had
nothing but good words for all of that name, she made
it plain to all of us that there were slave holders and
slave holders, and among those whom she condemned
were tlie Jimps, or, as she called them, "dem Jimpses."
She told us that Jabez Jimps raised negroes to sell to the
States in the lower South to work on the cotton and
sugar plantations, and that, no sooner had a "likely" boy
or girl reached young manhood or young womanhood,
than he or she was sold to the highest bidder and sent
down the river in slave gangs. Aunt Tilda also gave us
to understand that some of these "likely" young negroes
were almost white, and common report said that Jabez
Jimp's blood circulated in their veins.
After speaking of the Shelbys one day, Aunt Tilda
said : "My chilluns all dun an' g^^'ine 'way too. My
N'pol}^n went wid he yung Mastah Henry, an' when he
dun git kilt kem home wid de cawpse an' aftah de barry-
in' he dun gv^-ine an' jine de Yankis. Bime-by my
Ce'sah dun gwine an' jine de Yankis too, lack all de
yuthus. l\Iy P'laski dun gwine'n jine de cullud rigimint
an' I'se huh'd dey p'mote him to caw'pul, an' I ain'
'sprise kase he all de time wah prim an' straight lack a
rail sojer."
Upon one occasion Aunt Tilda said : "I sho' doan'
know what some o' de niggahs is gwine to do wid de
libertis IMastah Linkum dun gib to um. Dey is mos' all
so triflin' an' shif'lis. My ole man 'Rastus wah dat kine,
too, an' I specs he 's daid, kase he wah jis' nachilly too
trifhn' to live."
196 Muskets and Medicine.
Aunt Tilda was full of wise sayings, so full, indeed,
that sometimes she seemed a sort of black female ^sop.
I cannot recall half of her sage utterances, but the fol-
lowing is the substance of some of them :
"What did de good Lawd gib us two yurs fur an' jis'
one tung ef 'twant to Hs'n twict an' speak jis' onctl"
"When }ai 's wastin' time, chile, yu 's jis' nachilly
wastin' what yo' deah life 's made out'n."
"Honey, ef yu keeps on a steppin' an' a goin' yu mos'
al'us sho' gits up de hill, sometime."
"Sometimes yu bettah hole yo' ban's an' give yo' haid
a chanct."
"De roostah do a heaps o' crowin', but de hen sho*
lays de aig."
"Chile, doan nebah be huntin' trouble, kase heaps o'
it's 'sho' to fine yu."
"Mastah Shelby was always 'fear'd de cricks was
gwine to rise an' spile de craps an' drown de stalk, but
Mistis Shelby say she did'n b'lebe in crossin' cricks till
yu gits nigh to um, an' she sho' wa'nt gwine to pestah
huh mine wid sich unsuh'tn mattahs nohow."
"Somehow de niggahs on de plantashun lack old Mistis
betten'd dey did old Mastah."
CHAPTER XXn.
How The Soldiers Received Their Money, and
How Some of Them Got Rid of It.
The Paymaster and The Sutler.
"If money got before, all ways do lie open."
— Shakespeaee.
"A fool and his money are soon parted."
— Old Adage.
At inten'als, various in duration, we were visited by
the paymaster, who paid us what was coming from the
Government. A paymaster had the rank of Major in the
regular army. To us in the field he always came with
his "strong box" conveyed in an ambulance, or army
wagon, and well guarded by a troop of cavalry with
loaded carbines in their hands. Reaching a particular
regiment he would go over the amount due each man,
as reported by the Adjutant, and, if this was found cor-
rect, the specified sum would be put in a pay envelope;
then the men would be formed in line, and when the
name of a given soldier was called he would step for-
ward and receive his money, which was always in cur-
rency or "greenbacks." Even small fractional amounts
were paid in paper money, as neither gold, silver, nor
even copper was in circulation.
The paymaster always had on a bright, new uniform,
his linen was immaculate, and his boots never failed to
be glossy black. In all this he presented a striking con-
trast to the other officers in active service in the field.
(197)
198 Muskets and Medicine.
The more thrifty among the soldiers sent, by far, the
greater part of their pay home. In most instances this
was done through express companies which followed us
in the field, and were new institutions to practically all
of us. The prudent soldier, if so disposed, had oppor-
tunity to lay by substantially all his wages, which, in the
early part of the war, was for the private soldier $13
per month, but later was advanced to $16. The ratbn
furnished by the Government was ample, and so was the
clothing allowed each man. Indeed, some of the more
'thrifty did not use all that was allowed in this way, and
consequently received commutation in the way of small,
but by no means, intangible amounts of money.
As said above, a few men sent their pay home to
almost the last cent. In contrast to these of the more
thrifty there was a pitiful minority who had squandered
their last farthing in a few hours after being paid off.
How? Some of them in gambling with cards, some of
them at dice, and others by indulging in what was called
"chuck-a-luck." This last was a game of chance, with
the chances very greatly against the poor soldier victim
on the outside.
Not a few "blew-in" all they had received from the
paymaster at the Sutler's tent. The Sutler was the
recognized regimental merchant. After securing the con-
sent of the commanding officer the Sutler proceeded to
lay in a stock of such things as he thought the men would
n^ed in the field, and in amount about what could be
loaded in a wagon.
His stock included such articles as tobacco, cigars,
lemons, oranges, apples, candy, raisins, soda crackers,
cakes, canned fruits of various kinds, loaf sugar, mack-
erel, salt fish, bacon, ginger ale, "p^p" S-^id other "soft"
The Anny Sutler. 199
drinks. Nearly all these articles were outside the sol-
dier's rations, and were hence, by him, regarded as
luxuries which the more provident refused to buy.
Arrived in camp the Sutler transferred his goods to a
strong tent of proper size, which through the day, was
open in front and, at which, was a wide transverse board
which served the double purpose of counter and show-
case. The sides of the tent came well down and were
securely fastened. The Sutler always slept in his tent
and in the midst of his stock. However, sometimes a
thief would take advantage of the darkness to rip a hole
in the sides of the tent and make a hasty dash for what-
ever he might be able to lay his hands on.
That the Sutler's prices were always high, and some-
time even exorbitant, can well be imagined. But to make
a good profit he had to mark his goods high, for he
necessarily incurred great risk. In the field he was in
danger of capture. Then, w^hen the regiment had orders
to move on short notice, he had to pack his stock hur-
riedly and often put it "pell-mell" in a wagon for transfer
to the next camping place. Furthermore, unless quickly
turned some of his goods would grow stale on his hands.
One article of this nature was butter, which not infre-
quently became so rancid as to be wholly unusable.
As to the Sutler himself, he might be long or short.
He might be a blonde or brunette. He might be a native
or foreigner. But one thing he was always sure to be,
namely, "on the make." At the time the average regi-
ment was organized those who joined it were actuated
by motives more or less mixed in character. But with
the Sutler it was different, for his sole motive was gain.
An "easy-mark" for the Sutler w^as the financial "ten-
derfoot," the "iive-to-day-and-star\''e-to-morrow" man
200
MUskets and Medicine.
who was in every regiment, in tYery company, and in-
deed, in practically every squad. And no sooner had this
"come-easy-go-easy" specimen received his pay than he
forthwith went to the Sutler's tent and proceeded to get
"outside" a good deal that, for the man's good, had far
better have been left on the shelves.
But not only would these "easy-goers" get rid of their
money, but oftentimes the stuff they ate would make
them sick. Indeed, in every regiment more than one
death could primarily be attributed to certain articles in
the Sutler's tent.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Some Events in 1864-5 — Politics and War.
"Statesman, yet friend to truth! of soul sincere;
In action faithful, and in honor clear."
—Pope.
Lincoln's administration of affairs from the time of
his inauguration, March 4, 1861, till the spring of 1864,
when a Presidential candidate was to be ; 'ominated, had
gradually taken a very popular hold on the masses.
Some, however, were dissatisfied, thinking the President
was too slow, too easy, and lacking in some essential
qualities for an Executive. Quite a number of these held
a mass convention at Cleveland, O., May 31, 1864, and
nominated General John C, /remont for President, and
styled themselves War Democrats.
The friends of Lincoln assembled at Baltimore, Md.,
June 7, 1864, in a regular convention and unanimously
renominated the people's favorite.
The opponents of the war did not hold their conven-
tion till August 28, at which time General McClellan was
nominated for the Presidency. In the first half of the
year the prospects for immediate Union success were not
assuring. Grant had failed to take Richmond, and was
for the time, at least, held at bay by Lee. In the South-
west General Banks had met disaster, and so long as
Sherman was confronted by General Joseph E. Johnston,
the Confederates, under the latter ofBcer, continued to
make the greatest possible resistance with the least pos-
sible loss.
(201)
202 Muskets and Medicine.
But very soon after the opponents of the war had as-
sembled in convention, and by resolutions declared the
war a failure, the Union forces met with a series of bril-
liant successes. Commodore Farragut secured a wonder-
ful victory over the Confederates at Mobile Bay. At-
lanta was captured by Sherman, and Sheridan completely
annihilated the hitlierto successful Rebel forces of the
Shenandoah Valley. These victories added immensely to
Lincoln's chances ofi success.
Much interest was felt in the outcome of the election
among- the soldiers. The various platforms, letters of
acceptance, etc., were read and discussed. Most of the
men, however, favored Lincoln's re-election. As soon as
General Fremont saw that his candidacy could do noth-
ing save divide the war party, he promptly withdrew
his name, and this narrowed the race dov.. "o a contest
between Lincoln and McClellan.
McClellan's followers were called "Peace Men" and a
"Peace at Any Price Party," while those who supported
the war maintained that durable peace could come only
from a vigorous prosecution of the w^ar till the last enemy
of the Government laid down his musket.
Early in November the election came off and proper
agents came to our division camp from the States of Iowa,
Wisconsin and Ohio to take the votes of troops from
these commonwealths. But the Legislature of Illinois
had decreed that it. was illegal for soldiers to vote when
in the field, hence Illinois soldiers were denied the privi-
lege of casting their ballots. I had just passed my
twenty-first birthday, and having long been an admirer
of Lincoln, felt great disappointment in not having an
opportunity to vote for him.
Presidential Election, 1864. 203
Lincoln's majority over McClellan was overwhelming
and gave him ten times as many votes in the Electoral
College as his competitor received.
I accompanied the comimand upon one of the expedi-
tions to the Atchafalaya, spoken of in the la.st chapter.
The twenty odd miles traversed was through a country
that had been stripped of everything in the way of eat-
ables. The banks of the Atchafalaya w. "e reached, but
the stream was not crossed. A few stray shots passed
between the Confederates upon one side of the stream
and the Federals upon the other. Here several days
were spent, and, the time hanging heav)^, a rude set of
chess were cut out of wood and many games enjoyed.
Among the forces was a regiment of so-called Mexi-
can cavalry. This organization had been made up next
the Mexican frontier, and the men were nearly all small
in stature and had swarth}' 'Complexions. They were
expert horsemen, however, xid could throw the lasso
with much skill.
Toward the end of November the command was
moved to the mouth of White River, much further up
the Mississippi. Here we found the troops that had
preceded us had built small shacks of boards they had
procured somewhere in the vicinit}^ Some of these
shacks our men appropriated and others they built out
of .such material as could be picked up. All of these
were covered by a piece of heavy duck cloth that each
man carried in his knapsack. This was made with strong
buttons and well-made buttonholes along its four sides,
and was in dimensions about three by se\^en feet. Two
of these pieces, buttoned together, made a good roof for
a small hut or shack which, by reason of its lack of
height and closeness to the ground, was called- a "dog-
204 Muskets and Medicine.
tent." Upon entering one of these tents the soldier had
always to do so on his knees, and keep the sitting or
horizontal position while inside. However, these "dog-
tents" that came in use the second year of the war served
a most useful purpose, and as a piece of it was always in
the soldier's knapsack, it never failed to be available
when most needed.
While encamped at the mouth of White River I built
a shack about seven feet square, covered it with two
pieces of "dog-tent," had a door in one end and built a
chimney made of clay and sticks at the other. The clay
I made into a kind of mortar with which I plastered the
sticks that were, so to speak, the skeleton of my chimney.
When completed I kept a cheerful wood fire burning in
the chimney, which, as the weather was quite frosty, was
most comfortable and enjoyable, especially of evenings.
When tired of sitting, the height of my shack permitted
me to stand in its center and, in a sense, stretch myself
out. The doorway was just wide enough to enter, and
at its one side was my cot, upon which I slept ; at the
other our medicine chest, a table, extemporized from a
box, and two camp chairs. Every morning the bugler
came to my shack door and sounded the sick call (see
page 153), and following this came the surgeon and
such men as were complaining from one or another cause.
In all my three years of army service I do not remem-
ber to have been more pleasantly "fixed-up" than in this
shack at the mouth of White River. But, alas ! hardly
had I put the cup to my lips when it was dashed to the
ground, for I had but little more than got settled in my
cosy quarters than an order came for us to go to New
Orleans.
Consolidation of Regiments. 205
Obeying this, I left my comfortable shack, the boys
quit theirs, and we all boarded a steamboat and were
once more on the bosom of the Mississippi, up and down
which w^e had traveled so much and so often — so much,
indeed, that during our three years' service the Father of
Waters came to be our most frequented highway.
Arrived at New Orleans the regiment was at oner
ordered to Lake Port, a city suburb and situated on Lake
Ponchartrain. Here we found quarters in unoccupied
houses, of which there seemed to be not a few in the
suburb. A dilapidated old steam railway connected Lake
Port with New Orleans. The engines, or locomotives,
were so old and out of repair that they often refused to
start when steam was turned on, and to aid in this the
section men would pry^ under the driving wheels with
crowbars. This road between Lake Port and New Or-
leans was said to have been one of the first constructed
railways in the United States.
So many regiments had been reduced to mere skeletons
that it was decided to make a larger organization by con-
solidating two or more into one. In, February, 1865, an
order came to consolidate our regiment, the 130th Illinois
Infantry, with the 77th Illinois Infantr}^
Like all organizations that had been long in the sennce
both of the above-named regiments had lost many men.
The largest number died from disease, not a few were
killed in battle and a good many had been discharged
because of wounds or sickness, which rendered them unfit
for further service.
The order directing the consolidation of the 77th and
130th regiments required all supernumerary commis-
sioned officers to be mustered out of the sendee ; and all
supernumerary^ non-commissioned officers who were
206 Muskets and Medicine.
created non-commissioned officers at the time of the
organization of their respective commands to be likewise
mtistered out of the ser\'ice. But all non-commissioned
officers who had been made such since the organization
of their regiments and were found supernumerary^, should
be reduced to the ranks. To say the lea^st, this order was
very- unjust. For, as a very general rule the soldier who
was promoted after entering the service, received this
advance because he merited it. On the other hand, the
officer who was made such at the beginning had yet to
prove his fitness for the place he occupied.
As I had gone out a private with a gun in my hands
and had later been promoted to hospital steward ; and,
furthermore,' as the' hospital steward of the 77th Illinois,
was such at the organization of his regiment and as, in
addition, he elected to remain in the service, I was de-
clared supernumerary, and consequently there was noth-
ing for me but to remove the chevrons from my coat
sleeves, lay aside my spatula, pick up m.y musket for the
second time and resume my place in the ranks as a
private soldier.
That this was humiliating to a proud, spirited, am-
bitious boy, goes without the saying. However, I ac-
cepted the sittiation as cheerfully as possible and,
meantime, resolved to meet every situation manfully and
di.=;charge every' duty conscientiously.
The consolidated organization, now known as the 77th
Illinois Infantry^, was a thousand strong, and was put on
patrol duty in New Orleans. We had our quarters in a
New Orleans cotton press, and had opportunity to make
ourselves quite comfortable. At 4 o'clock, every after-
noon, we went to an open space without the cotton press
for dress parade. And on this every' man was required
A Thousand Veterans. 207
to appear with shoes well blacked, clothes neatly brushed,
hair well combed, a white paper collar and stock on the
neck, all metal appendages, as cartridge box, belt, etc.,
polished and burnished like gold and silver, the gun well
cleaned and its metal parts bright and glistening.
With this "getting-up," with white gloves on every
man's hands, with ever}'one in his place and soldierly in
bearing, and with every movement rhythmical and ac-
curate as clock-work, a thousand men on dress parade
made a pleasing and enjoyable display, and never failed
to attract many visitors and onlookers.
As elsewhere noted, we were first armed with Austrian
rifled muskets, made in Austria, but these proving unsat-
isfactory we were later supplied with Enfield muskets
of English manufacture ; and finally these were discarded
for the Springfield musket, made in Springfield, Mass.,
which, like its predecessors, was a muzzle-loader and
single-shooter, but a superior weapon in every way. The
Springfield musket {made in America), eventually super-
seded all other firearms in infantr}^ regiments; and, by
reason of its efficiency, it is no exaggeration to say that
one million Union veterans, armed with this weapon,
were a paramount factor in finally putting down "The
Great Rebellion of 1861-5." In making this statement
the author means no reflection upon the several other
arms of the military service, each of which fought
valiantly, and made every needed sacrifice to uphold and
sustain the E'nion.
In the new organization I was assigned to Company G,
commanded by Captain Rouse, an exceptionally fine
young officer, who took great pride in drilling and dis-
ciplining his company. We practiced the Zouave drill
frequently, and finally, on account of the high stand-
208 Muskets and Medicijie.
ing of Captain Rouse and his company, we were chosen
as headquarters' guard for the Commander of the Divi-
sion, General Benton, This 'service hghtened our duties
in some particulars and gave us certain privileges besides.
Our Division Commander, General Benton, was a fat,
shapeless man, who ill became his uniform and official
regalia, and from what we saw and heard we came to
realize that he liked and drank a good deal of whiskey.-
However, he was good to his men, was liked by them,
and never asked a man to incur a danger that he him-
self was not ready and willing to face.
While a private soldier in Company G, 77th Illinois,
I had for a messmate and close friend Samuel Henry,
130th Illinois Infantry, several years my senior, and who
had the following unique history :
Some years before the breaking out of the Civil War
he, with other members of his father's family, emigrated
to the then new State of Texas for the general purpose
of farming and sheep-raising. In the spring of 1861 the
war came on, and ever}^ man of ht physical condition and
suitable age was expected to enlist in tlie Confederate
service.
Young Henr}^ was of northern birth and ancestry, and
was, moreover, a pronounced Union man. However, he
was "wise in his generation," and consequently kept his
own counsel, but, meantime, did a great deal of listening
and no little thinking. Finally, after most of his friends
and associates had volunteered he realized that the time
had come for action and the carr}dng out of the plans he
had in mind, namely, making an effort to get inside the
Union lines and ultimately joining his friends and rela-
tives in Illinois. Accordingly, putting on a new suit of
jeans, filling his saddle-bags with a change of linen and
A Shrewd ''Yankee." 209
needed supplies, and slipping a loaded revolver in his
pocket, young Henry one day mounted his "mustang" and
rode away with the seeming intent of joining Somebody's
Texas Rangers.
Riding in a general northerly direction and by the use
of much tact and general adroitness he managed to meet
and "get by" several Confederate commands, and keep-
ing on his way toward the North Star at last found him-
self within the Union lines, and the rest of the route was
comparatively easy, up through Arkansas and Missouri,
across the Mississippi into Illinois, and finally across the
thresholds of friends and relatives in Bond County.
In August, 1862, he (Samuel Henry) enlisted in Com-
pany E, 130th Illinois Infantry Volunteers, and when in
February, 1865, this regiment was consolidated with the
77th Illinois, he became a member of Company G in that
organization, as noted above, and my esteemed messmate
and valued friend. He is now almost an octogenarian,
and is living in comfortable retirement at Greenville, 111.,
a good citizen, respected by all who know him.
While in and about New Orleans during the winter of
1864-5, we read and talked much about General Thomas's
great victories at Franklin and Nashville, Tenn. ; and,
likewise, of Sherman's daring march from Atlanta east
into the interior of Georgia, since familiarly referred to
as "The March to the Sea." Much speculation was in-
dulged in relative to, and no Httle anxiety was felt for,
the outcome of Sherman's great and apparently haz-
ardous, undertaking, After reaching the seaboard and
capturing Savannah, Sherman thus demonstrated the
Southern Confederacy to be what he had already termed
it, namely, "An empty shell."
210 Muskets and Medicine.
Meanwhile, Hood's army, having- practically annihi-
lated itself in its several attacks on General Thomas,
there seemed little effective force left to the enemy save
what was under General Lee at Richmond and Peters-
burg.
However, Mobile, Ala., was strongly fortified and yet
esteemed an important asset to the Southerners, and
early in I\Iarch an expedition was organized in the De-
partment of the Gulf to move against and, if possible,
capture this stronghold, one of the last of the Conf ed- »
eracy, which almost precisely four years before in this
same State of Alabama, was with high hopes and flying
colors launched on its stormy career.
As an integral part of the Army of the Gulf, now
commanded by General E. R. S. Canby, our superb regi-
ment of a thousand veterans, was ordered to bear a part
in the contemplated attack on Mobile. Obeying these
orders, early one morning in March, we began making
preparations for embarking on a vessel at the New Or-
leans Levee, and about 3 p.m. we were aboard.
We were all ver}' tired, and as yet had not eaten our
dinners. Our meat rations, for convenience, were that
day dried herring, and of this I ate very heartily. As
night approached the vessel moved away from the wharf
and headed down stream. Meanwhile, we unrolled our
blankets, and upon these stretched our tired, weary limbs ;
in a little while all were sleeping soundly. The next
morning we struck the salt w'ater of the Gulf of Mexico,
and the vessel began to pitch and roll. And soon
how seasick we all come to be! And that w^e "heaved
Jonah" and gave back to the sea those precious herring
that we had eaten of so heartily goes without the
saying. And how long afterwards did the taste and
Hei'Ting and Seasickness. 211
flavor of those little stomach-disturbers remain with us !
And who of us that ate herring on that March day, more
than a half century in the past, has ever had the hardi-
hood' to so much as taste one since !
The gulf was very rough, and as said before, the vessel
rolled and pitched violently. To my way of thinking
nothing is less attractive than salt water travel, and the
grandeur, beauty and poetry of old ocean is in vtry large
measure lost on me.
Two or three days after leaving the wharf at New
Orleans land was dimly sighted, certain objects were
indistinctly seen, First a mound, that proved to be a
fort, then a flag on a pole, next tents, a camp, wagons,
horses, and, lastly, men. And finally, we anchored at
Fort Morgan, situated on Mobile Point, Ala.
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Mobile Campaign — 1865.
"The arms are fair,
When the intent for bearing them is just."
— Shakespeare.
Fort Morgan, situated on Mobile Point, guarded the"
narrow entrance to Mobile Bay. Directly opposite, two
miles distant in a northerly direction, Fort Gaines, upon
Dauphin Island, with frowning guns, assisted in this duty.
The main channel, however, was near Fort Morgan, and
was obstructed to hostile vessels with piles driven in the
sand and torpedoes planted plentifully in the waters.
Early in August, 1864, Admiral Farragut, with four-
teen wooden vessels and four iron-clads, resolved to at-
tack the Confederates. Near Fort Morgan the latter had
a small fleet under Commodore Franklin Buchanan. In
the Confederate fleet was a powerful vessel, the ram
Tennessee. The 5th of August General Granger landed
a body of troops on Dauphin Island and invested Fort
Gaines.
Early on the morning of August 6, Admiral Farragut
attacked Fort Morgan and the Confederate flotilla. Soon
after the engagement began, the Tecumseh, a fine iron-
clad, struck a torpedo and almost instantly sunk, carry-
ing to the bottom of the bay all but twent}^-one out of a'
crew of one hundred men. The other vessels of the
Federal fleet kept right on, however, and ran past Fort
Morgan and the torpedoes. A little later the ram Ten-
nessee bore down upon the fleet, but was soon over-
powered and captured.
(212)
We Land at Fort Morgan. 213
August 7 Fort Gaines, with over eight hundred men,
surrendered to General Granger. Later Fort I\lorgan
was invested, and August 23, fell into the hands of the
Federals. Thus Mobile, at the: head of Mobile Bay, was
elTectually shut off from blockade runners, by having its
outlet hermetically sealed by a fleet of Federal vessels.
At Fort Morgan our regiment landed early in March,
as narrated in the last chapter. The men debarked from
the steamer and went into camp in the sand. The region
was sterile and as uninteresting as could be imagined.
Fort Morgan, however, had gained much notoriety from
its engagement with Commodore Farragut's fleet the
previous August. It showed marks of the bombardment
in dismantled' walls and broken brick work.
Near the camp was a sand hill, twenty or thirty feet
high, from which the vessels at a distance and Dauphin
Island were viewed. A school of porpoises could often
be seen at play in the waters of the bay; this, to the men,
nearly all of whom were from the interior, was a novel
sight.
One day orders came to march. Meanwhile the Thir-
teenth Corps had been reorganized and was now under
command of General Gordon Granger. This reorganiza-
tion was especially pleasing to the old members of the
Thirteenth Corps.
On March 17, early in the morning, we started from
Fort Morgan, having Mobile as our objective point. As
will be recalled Fort Morgan was not far from the ex-
tremity of Mobile Point, and our route led along the
southern and eastern limits of Mobile Bay. The whole
region was a sandy waste, and the only thing it would
grow was a species of yellow pine. Walking in sand
half shoe-mouth deep is hard at best, but to one like
214 Muskets and Medicine.
myself, who for many months had been doing Hghter
duties, marching with a knapsack, gun, accoutrements and
other etc., was especially hard on me, unseasoned as I
w^as. The result was that, in the afternoon, I was nearly
exhausted and fagged out, but I kept all to myself and
secretly resolved to keep going till I fell in my tracks, if
the worst came to the worst. At last the day's march
ended and we went into camp, and I experienced inex-_
pressible relief when I had stacked my gun and taken off
my knapsack and accoutrements. I ate heartily of the
toasted bacon, "sow-belly," the boys called it, and "hard-
tack," a name they had bestowed on our army hard
crackers ; and, in addition, drank freely of strong* coffee,
and felt much refreshed. My feet were sore and tender,
and filling my canteen with cold water I poured this on
my feet freely, rubbed and bathed them the best I couldi
and then rolled up in my blanket and slept.
Early next morning when we were awakened I found
I was all over sore and stiff, but there was nothing to do
but undertake and, if possible, go through with another
day's duties. I told no one of my feelings, and after
marching awhile my soreness and stiffness, in part, was
relieved, but in the afternoon I was again very much
fatigued, and once or twice it seemed as though I could
not go any further; but further I went, and further I
kept on going, till we went into camp at the end of the
second day's march, and like the evening before, I was
inexpressibly relieved when I had the much appreciated
privilege of laying down my gun and unstrapping my
knapsack and accoutrements. The next day I managed
to worry through a little easier. The next was easier
still, and finally I came to be so inured to marching with
a soldier's complete outfft that I could stand up by, and
A "Tenderfoot" Keeps at It, 215
go as far and as fast as the best of them. But, as was
said above, no one was ever the wiser by reason of know-
ing of my experience while Hterally a "tenderfoot" and
when going through the needed "seasoning" process.
We made magnificent camp fires with the pine knots
that abounded everywhere, and as a resuh of burning
this kind of fuel our faces were covered with smut,
smoke and grime, all of which was made adherent by the
resin inherent in yellow pine, and in consequence wash-
ing one's face and hands came to be a most strenuous
undertaking.
As we passed through the continuous pine forests we
came upon what are known as "turpentine orchards."
Cup-shaped notches had been chopped in the trunks of
the larger trees and these had been filled w^ith resin. One
night someone set fire to one resin-filled excavation and
the flames extended to others all about, and soon a great
fire enveloped the forest all about, and which we left in
our rear as we marched to a camp further on and w^ell
out of the burning area.
Not long after reaching soil in which sand was not
the principal ingredient, rain fell in torrents, and in
consequence the roads became almost impassable for
wagons and artillery. In some instances when the teams
stalled they were temporarily detached, long ropes at-
tached to the wagons and pieces of artillery, and upon
these scores of strong men exerted their full strength,
and often succeeded w^hen the mules, which had preceded
them, had failed. But in many places "corduroy" roads
had to be made. A "corduroy" road is made by putting
down many poles, side by side, and as close together as
they can be placed.
216 Muskets and Medicine.
In extricating the mired wagons and stalled pieces of
artillery no one worked harder than General Benton. He
pulled off his coat, rolled up his sleeves and helped "with
might and main." Seeing 'their Division Commander
thus employed, the boys greeted him with rousing cheers
and were more than ever determined to meet manfully
all obstacles and overcome them if possible.
One day a wide, shallow stream was encountered, when
the men were halted, ordered to remove shoes and stock-
ings, roll their pants high and wade. When the opposite
bank was reached every man dried his feet and legs in
the best way possible, put on his shoes and stockings, and
resumed the march.
The advance of the column, after some days' progress,
met and skirmished with the enemy. Toward the latter
part of the month of March, Spanish Fort, east of
Mobile, was reached. This was one of the keys to the
military situation at Mobile, and was laid siege to by the
Federals the last days of March. ^The Federal gunboats
held the water front of Spanish Fort and cut off com-
munication with Mobile. No effort at assault was made
by the Federals, and the approaches were guarded with
rifle pits ; hence, the loss of life was inconsiderable.
The night of April 8 Spanish Fort was evacuated. In
a Mobile paper of that same date was found the follow-
ing letter entitled:
"A Letter Under Fire.
"On Picket, Spanish Fort, April 4, 1S65.
"Messrs. Editors : — With powder-burned face and a sore
shoulder from the backward movement of my rifle, I have con-
cluded to rest a little, and while resting I will amuse myself by
dropping you a line. But, stop right here, I will take a chew
of tobacco, for I have plenty and of the finest article, and I did
Confederate Letter ''Under Fire." 217
not buy it, nor steal it, nor draw it, but I have it. We are-
having a fine time here sharp-shooting with the Yankees, though
we never put our heads above the breastworks, for the atmos-
phere is unhealthy too high up, but we have headlogs to shoot
under which the boys call "skull-crackers." We have another
game we play over here; it is a game I used to play when a boy,
but there is not altogether so much fun in it now as there was
then. It is a game called 'Andy Over.' We play it here with
shells from a mortar gun. The one that catches it is the one
that is caught out and not the one that throws it.
"We have generally about two artillery duels each day, and
they make things happen when they do get at it. Everything
is comparatively quiet at night.
"Ten thousand thanks to the ladies of Mobile for sending us
that provision they sent us last night. I think I was the
hungriest man on the 'map.' You ought to have seen with what
eagerness I devoured those eggs, meat and cake. While eating,
my heart ran out in thankfulness to the fair daughters of the
fair city. I was proud that I was a soldier battling for the rights
of such ladies as those.
"I shall have to close. The shells are coming too fast and my
mind is too much centered on 'Number One,' and my nerves too
unsteady to write. You know that bomb-shells are very de-
moralizing, if they 'axe not so dangerous.
"More anon.
"Chum."
From the same paper's editorial column the following
is taken:
"The Enemy.
"From about five o'clock till after dark last evening the firing
on the eastern shore was the heaviest yet heard, and it still con-
tinues, though somewhat slackened at our usual time of closing,
though we are yet without any information of the progress of
affairs.
"Later. After 11 o'clock a dispatch was received, stating that
the enemy had opened fire on Spanish Fort with thirty guns, but
after a great deal of noise, had made no impression. Our gar-
rison over there stands like a 'stone wall.'
218 Muskets and Medicine.
"The Yankee's ammunition is bad, of the shoddy-contract sort,
so that very few of the shells explode. Our artillerists use only
Confederate powder to send back their own projectiles.
"While we write at 10 o'clock p.m., an occasional gun is heard."
From the same column the following' is also excerpted :
"Brave Boys.
"The following letter received by Major General Maury -
from a student at Spring Hill College cannot be read
with indifference by friend or foe of the cause of Con-
federate independence. This is w^hat General Grant
would call 'robbing the cradle to recruit our armies:'
"Springhill College, March 27, 1865.
"Maj. Gen. D. H. Maury,
"Dear Sir: — At the request of a great many of my fellow
students, I write to you on a very serious subject — that is about
joining the army for the defense of Mobile.
"The President will not let us go without we consider ourselves
expelled; so we wish you to send out one of your aids and mus-
ter us in the service.
"There will be about forty that will go. We are all of age,
strong and healthy and can fight as good as any man. Now,
General, we want your assistance; if we do not receive it soon
we will be compelled to go and be expelled. So we do not think
you could help from assisting us.
"Please help us immediately.
"A Student of Springhill College."
At the time the Thirteenth Army Corps w-as advancing-
up the eastern shore of Mobile Bay — joined by the Six-
teenth Corps at the mouth of Fish River — to engage in
the investment and siege of Spanish Fort, a co-operating
column, led by General Francis Steele, moved from Pen-
sacola, Fla., and attacked Fort Blakely, ten miles north-
east of Mobile^ on the Tensaw River.
A N ever-to-he-f or gotten Sunday. 219
As soon as Spanish Fort fell into our hands the troops
engaged in the investment of this place were ordered to
Blakely, about ten miles northeast and to the right. The
march was begun near noon of April 9. About half the
distance had been accomplished when a terrific cannonade
and musketry fire was heard at the front. Under the
inspiration of this sound the column moved faster, but
by and by the firing ceased, and word came back that
Blakely had been carried by assault.
This was a sultry Sabbath afternoon, and the very day
that Lee surrendered at Appomattox, April 9, 1865,
though the latter event was not known to the Union
forces about Mobile till some days later.
Toward night the command w^ent into camp near
Blakely, in a grove of pine trees. Early next morning
the scene of the previous day's battle was visited. At
both Spanish Fort and Blakely the Confederates had
planted torpedoes about the approaches to their works.
Working parties were removing these, as their location
was pointed out by Confederate prisoners.
It was said that several of our men, the day previous,
had trodden upon these terrible instruments of death and
were blown to atoms. In most instances percussion
shells were placed just beneath the surface of the
ground in such a manner that the tread of an unwary
foot would cause instant explosion. For a half mile or
more the timber about Blakely had been felled, wdth the
tops of the trees pointing from the works, and v,^th their
sharpened extremities the branches stood ready to greatly
impede the advance of an attacking force. But through
these and amidst a shower of shot, shell, canister and
bullets, the Federals made their way to and over the Con-
federate works.
220 Muskets and Medicine.
The principal part of the assault had been borne by a
division of colored troops belonging to General Steele's
command. These men, it was reported on ever.y hand,
bore themselves most gallantly.
Passing into Blakely early on the morning of April 10,
it having been surrendered at 5 p.m. the day previous, an
opportunity was given to see things pretty much as the
Confederates had left them, One thing that interested
me greally was some captured haversacks containing
"Johnny's" rations. The meat was such as our men
would never have tasted unless reduced to the verge of
starvation, and the bread seemed indescribably poor, and
of such character as a Northern farmer would hardly
feed to his hogs. It seemed to have been made from
meal of which more than half was bran, and after being
made into small pones — "dodgers" — had been apparently
cooked in the ashes and given about the appearance that
two or three days' sun-drying would bestow. That men
would consent to live on such food, and with scarcely
any pay, daily encounter the vicissitudes of army life,
and, when occasion called, cheerfully risk their lives in
battle, is a high tribute to Southern hardihood, pluck and
courage.
Most of the dead of both armies had already been dis-
posed of, but the body of one man is especially remem-
bered. He was a Texan captain, tall and slender in per-
son, with long black hair and whiskers. His clothing
was much better than that worn by most persons in the
Confederate army, and it is remembered that he had on
his feet neat, clean cotton socks that seemed to be
similar to what were known as "British hose." The
probability is that the clothes he had on were nearly all
of British manufacture, and had been secured when
Brave, But a Needless Sacrifice. 221
Mobile was a favorite port with blockade-runners.
Drawn over the Texan's face w^as a white, broad-
brimmed slouch hat, so that his form, features and dress
gave evidence of the typical Southerner of the better and
wealthier class.
Already there had begun to gather about the dead
Texan a romantic hisitory of the way he met death, and
all the forenoon there w^as clustered around him a group
of Federal soldiers, reciting and hearing recited the fol-
lowing:
When the Federals entered the works the evening
previous all the Confederates gave themselves up as pris-
oners of war — all but the Texas captain, who refused to
surrender under any circumstances, and when importuned
by the Federals said: "No, sir; surrender's not my
name," and ''showed fight," as they used to say in army
circles.
Whether his efforts at resistance were such as merited
death, or whether in the excitement of battle and tri-
umph, his life was taken in mere wantonness, is not
known; at any rate, just above one ear was a great bullet
hole, and after Lee had signed the papers surrendering
the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant, one
more name was added to a terrible death-roll already
frightfully long. The writer listened to the recital of the
dead Texan's story from the lips of a soldier standing
by, who, wdien he finished, added, pointing to another
soldier standing a little to one side: "There is the man
that shot him." The man pointed out was as meek and
innocent appearing as can be imagined, and with down-
cast eyes admitted firing the fatal shot, and confirmed
the story as narrated.
222 Muskets and Medicine.
The Texan was the last dead Confederate seen upon
a battlefield by me. The first was seen two years before
on the battlefield of Port Gibson in the Vicksburg cam-
paign. He, like the Texan, was tall and spare, and thus
far seemed a typical Southerner, but he was attired in
the coarsest of the crude dress of the Southern army, and
nothing about him gave any evidence of wealth or re-
finement. But both lay where they fell on a field of
battle taken possession of by the enemy, and their lifeless
bodies were viewed by many of the then detested Yan-
kees. Both gave their lives in a hopeless cause, and
both would have seemed to have died in vain — but, as to
the latter, maybe not; and, just as there are some poisons
that nothing short of fire and furnace heat will destroy,
so with the hates and passions engendered by slaver}^ and
secession — nothing save battle, blood and death could
wipe them out.
Much praise was bestowed upon the colored division
who bore the brunt of the assault the day previous. The
afternoon of April 10 I visited the colored troops and
conversed with some of them. They were ver>' proud of
their achievement, and seemed ready to fight the whole
Southern^ Confederacy if the opportunity was only given
them.
One fellow was seen with a bullet hole through one
cheek, but no trace of the bullet could be seen elsewhere.
I asked of the sufferer how he could be affected in
this way; a bullet hole through one cheek, but no teeth-
knocked out, and no wound elsewhere about the face.
"Day ball come in at my mouf, sah," said Sambo.
"But how did it get through your mouth without in-
juring your teeth and lips?" was asked.
"I had my mouf op'n," was answered.
Sambo's Mouth Was Open. 223
"Why did you have it open ?" was further asked.
"O, I was jist hoUerin' Fort Filler at um," said Sambo.
This, it seemed, was their battle-cr}^ and was the
means of .saving this darkey from a great deal an uglier
and more serious wound.
Fort Pillow, it will be remembered, was the scene of
an indiscriminate massacre of colored troops by General
Forrest in the spring of 1864.
A little while before the war closed the Southerners
tried to enlist negroes in their armies, and for this pur-
pose a bill was passed by the Confederate Congress at
Richmond. A copy of this in a Confederate paper is
now in my possession, and some of its provisions are
interesting.
The first clause provides : "That in order to provide
additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful
possessions of the Confederate States, secure their inde-
pendence and preserv^e their institutions, the President
be and is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from
the owners of slaves the services of such able-bodied
negro men as he may deem expedient, for and during
the war, to perform military^ duty in whatever capacity
he may direct."
The last clause provides : "That nothing in this act
shall be construed to authorize a change in the relations
which the said slaves shall bear to their owners," etc., etc.
In the same paper is a message from Jefterson Davis
to the Confederate Congress, dated March 18, 1865, in
which occurs the following reference to the "Negro Bill :"
"The bill for employing negroes as soldiers has not yet
reached me, though the printed journal of your proceed-
ings informs me of its passage. Much benefit is antici-
pated from this measure, though far less than would have
224 Muskets and Medicine.
resulted from its adoption at an earlier date so as to
afford time for their organization and instruction during
the winter months."
As might have been conjectured, the colored men did
not flock to a standard that was the emblem of a people
bent on the perpetual enslavement of the African race in
America.
CHAPTER XXV.
Fall of Mobile and The Beginning of The End.
"Thus far our fortunes keep an upward course,
And we are grac'd with wreaths of victor}\"
— Shakespeare.
Spanish Fort having fallen into the possession of the
Union forces April 8, while Forts Huger and Tracy, at
the mouth of the Tensaw, were reduced at the same time
by the war vessels in Mobile Bay, the Federal fleet at
once moved ten miles up Tensaw River, in the vicinity
of Fort Blakely, cutting its water communications.
Meanwhile, as elsewhere narrated, the fort was assaulted
by General Steele's forces and carried, with twenty-five
hundred prisoners. The eastern defenses of Mobile hav-
ing thus all fallen into the hands of the Federals, the
city was promptly evacuated.
In the light of these events the following, taken from
a leading Mobile paper issued April 8, the ver}^ day
Spanish Fort fell into our hands, is interesting reading:
"We maintain that the expedition w^hich the enemy has
put on foot for the capture of Mobile is inadequate for
the end in view, and that we have ample power to resist
and thwart his purpose. His whole force is massed in
front of our defenses on the eastern shore, and up to this
time, we confidently state it as an irrefutable fact that
he has not gained a shaving. He makes an infernal noise
w^ith his mortars and big guns, but not one bomb in fifty
hurts anybody, and he has not even grazed our works,
w^hich are twice as strong as they were when the fight
15 (225)
226 Muskets and Medicine.
began, and are growing more and more so every hour
the fight continues. At the rate of progress the Yanks
are making over the bay a gallant and experienced Con-
federate officer says it will take them just five years and
three months to take Mobile. By that time we may in-
dulge the hope that 'something will turn up.' "
The evening of April 11, the writer, with his company,
crossed over to Mobile and that night slept in a vacant
house near the bay. A few feet in front was a huge
cannon with a pyramid of cannon balls by its side.
Nearby was a magazine containing shells and other ex-
plosive ammunition, looking much like an out-door cellar.
The grass over this and all about the cannon was green
and beautiful, and a few feet in front were the waters
of the bay,
The Confederates had retreated up the Mobile and
Alabama Rivers, and up the former stream the Thir-
teenth Corps was at once ordered, following for a time
the Mobile & Ohio Railroad. In passing about Mobile
the great strength of its defenses was remarked even by
our common soldiers, and had the Confederates had suffi-
cient men to man the works they would have been almost
impregnable against direct assault. One of the ablest
engineers in the Confederate army said Mobile was the
best fortified place in the South.
At Whistler, a little station on the Mobile & Ohio
Railroad, a few miles from Mobile, quite a lively skirm-
ish was had with the enemy's cavalry. This was the last
engagement the Thirteenth Corps participated in, and is
further claimed to have been one of the last battles of
the war.
Rumors now began to be circulated that Lee had been
defeated and Richmond captured. But these were not
Comfort and "Hoe-cake." 227
confirmed. Meantime, the army moved up the country
some fifty miles north of Mobile. The march was, for
the most part, through a thinly populated region with
only now and then a farm house.
One day the march led over heavy roads, and all day
long through a cold, drizzling rain. Towards night the
command halted, and I, with some companions, found
comfortable quarters before the fire of a rude negro
cabin, and ate with much relish the corn "hoe-cake" pre-
pared at its hearth by a colored Aunty.
Ah, youthful comrade of that day, now grown to old
age, and, maybe, the possessor of ample fortune, and,
perhaps, the favored one of a choice circle of friends!
Do marble steps leading through wide doorway and
stately hall, to spacious rooms with velvet carpets, richly
upholstered furniture and frescoed ceiling, pervaded
tliroughout — even in mid-winter — with a summer tem-
perature, seem half as inviting as did that rude threshold
and rough little low door through which you that day
could not enter without bowing your head? Or does
luxurious food, prepared with special aim to tempt and
tickle the palate, and eaten from daintiest china upon the
finest and whitest table linen, give you half the pleasure
you that day had from Aunty's hoe-cake, eaten upon
the plain board table beside her simple hearth ?
About a week after leaving Mobile the command re-
ceived official notice of the fall of Richmond and sur-
render of Lee. All were, of course, rejoiced, knowing
the war would soon end.
For two or three days the army camped near the resi-
dence of Mrs. Godbow, the mother of General Earl Van
Dorn's wife; it w^as a plain two-story frame house,
painted white. General Van Dorn had been conspicuous
228 Muskets and Medicme.
in the Confederate service, but during the second year of
the war had a personal difficulty with Doctor Peters, of
Tennessee, by whom he was killed. His wife was living
in the quiet lonely region, retired from the world, appar-
ently with no companion save her mother.
While encamped at this place the news of Lincoln's
assassination was received. It was terrible news to the
soldiers, and the first impulse of every man seemed _a
desire to in some way avenge the President's death. And
had the enemy been in our immediate front in battle
array there is no question but at this period the Union
soldiers would have fought with unusual determination;
but the Confederacy was crumbling to pieces, and shoot-
ing enemies of the Government was soon to be a thing
of the past.
The command finally went into camp immediately on
the bank of Tombigbee River, at a place called Mackin-
tosh Bluff. Here a tall flag-pole, eighty feet high, was
erected, and all seemed to have a good time. The war
was substantially over, and no more hard campaigns be-
ing in prospect, there seemed nothing to do but wait until
such time as the Government should see fit to muster us
out.
A few of the better-disposed people seemed willing to
renew their allegiance to the Government, and over such
the army extended its protection, furnishing, when de-
sired, guards for their propert}'. Upon two or three
occasions I went upon this service, and my guard duty
at one house is well remembered. The people were well-
to-do, but, like very many Southerners, lived in a large
log house, the main part of which consisted of two large,
square rooms, with a large open space between, and a
Southern Hospitality. 229
wide porch in front of all, while at the rear w^as the din-
ing-room, and at a little distance, the kitchen.
The lady of the house was very pleasant and chatty,
and had much to say regarding the pleasant winters they
had been in the habit of enjoying at Mobile before the
war put an end to Southern prosperity. She was of
rather full figure, and in flush times had evidently been
inclined to dress and gay society.
The husband, a lean, lank Southerner, was disposed to
be taciturn. He made free use of the "weed," however,
and under the inspiration of a large "quid" of this, espe-
cially if his wife was away, warmed up enough to meas-
ure off with great deliberation a few words by way of
conversation. He talked most of dogs and hunting, and
said there were yet many deer and some bears in the
forest. He stated that hunters were, however, compelled
to wait till the water in all the streams and bayous was
at a very low stage, so that the dogs used in hunting
could cross without swimming; otherwise, they were
liable to be destroyed by alligators. He made the further
■Statement that a dog's barking near the bank of a stream
would cause any alligators within earshot to, at once,
come to the spot where the dog was supposed to be.
When asked concerning the liability of an alligator
attacking a human being, he said they were not apt to
attack a white man. "But, I tell you," he added, "they're
death on niggers and dogs."
By and by dinner was announced and was sers^ed with
considerable formality; several servants — yet practically
slaves — being in attendance. The whole of the table
service was very good, and the dinner was as excellent
as it could well be made without wheaten flour; com meal
in several forms was made to take its place.
230 Muskets and Medicine.
Tombig.bee River was high and the current was very-
swift. Several old canoes and ricketyi boats were at the
water's edge, and in these excursions were sometimes
made to the opposite shore, half a mile distant, in search
of mulberries. One day, with a companion, I had crossed
the river in one of these frail boats, and was gathering
mulberries from a tree on the farther shore when there
was seen coming down the river a fleet of vessels. As
the Federals had no steamboats on the river, those in
sight were looked upon with suspicion. It was soon dis-
covered that they were gunboats, but not of the Federal
Navy. They passed nearby and anchored a little farther
down in the middle of the river. This was the remnant
of a Confederate fleet that had retreated up the river
upon the fall of Mobile,
On returning we passed very near these vessels, but
those on board seemed as quiet and orderly as if attend-
ing a funeral. Pretty soon a whole fleet of transports
hove in sight, and it was learned that these, with the gun-
boats and all other Confederate property of a militar}^
character, had a few days previous been surrendered by
General Richard Taylor, the Confederate Department
Commander, to General Canby, representing the United
States Government.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A Confederate Mail-bag and a Glimpse at
Some of Its Contents.
"A letter, timely writ, is a rivet to the chain of affection;
And a letter untimely delayed, is as rust to the solder."
— TUPPER.
"Kind messages, that pass from land to land;
Kind letters, that betray the hearts deep histor}^"
— Longfellow.
Just before the cessation of hostilities a Confederate
ntail-sack, heavily laden with letters, papers, etc., was
captured north of Mobile. This, some time in May, was
emptied near where the writer's company was encamped.
The contents were a confused mass of papers, torn
envelopes and open letters, all having been hurriedly
examined at division headquarters. Very many of the
letters were so poorly written as to be almost unintelli-
gible; others showed good penmanship and education,
refinement and culture in the writers. All were written
upon the thin, poor, shoddy paper of Confederate manu-
facture. Several very crude wood cuts were found that
had been forwarded as valentines to certain members of
the fair sex by their admirers. One of these, now in the
writer's possession, was printed on the shoddiest kind of
paper by George Dunn & Company, publishers, Rich-
mond, \^a., and just below a rude cut of a female with
low-necked dress, short sleeves, flowing skirts, wide
flounces and capacious hoop skirt, is a stanza, the last
words of which are : ^'Ah, let me still survive, and burn
in Cupid's flames, but let me burn alive."
(231)
232 Muskets and Medicine.
The following is deemed of sufficient interest to give
in full :
Near Augusta, Ga., March 2, 1865.
Unknown Friend : —
Being confined to our tents today in order to have some pas-
time, Mr. Kennedy, of Fifty-fifth Tennessee Regiment, Quarle's
Brigade, proposed the names of several young ladies of his ac-
quaintance. The names were all put on strips of paper and then
in a hat; each one had to draw per ballot, and the name he drew
he was to write to that lady. Among eight names I drew yours,
and in discharging the obligation resting on me you will excuse
me for my presumption. I will refer you to Mr. Kennedy, who
is a friend of yours and also a particular friend of mine, for
particulars relating to me.
In doing justice to you, I will state that I am quite a young
man and an Alabamian by birth ; have been soldiering for four
years ; have passed through many dangers, seen and unseen, and
by the kindness of an overruling Providence I am still spared
a monument of God's mercy. I hope to live to see this cruel
war over, and that I may then find some loving and confiding
companion and with her glide smoothly down the stream of
time hand in hand, until I reach the Valley of Death; even then
I hope to have so lived that I can then launch out upon the un-
known future and ride safely into port. I have no news that
will interest you. We are here in Camp of Direction awaiting
orders. I think we will not try to get with our command, who
are at or in vicinity of Columbia, S. C, but go to Montgomery,
Selina or Mobile. If we come to Mobile I will be happy to form
your acquaintance.
If Mr. Kennedy is with me I will try and do so. Hoping that
you will not think hard of this, but write in answer, I remain
your sincere but unknown friend.
James A. McCauly.
First Alabama Regiment, Company "D," Quarle's Brigade
Army Tennessee.
This letter has now been in the writer's possession
fifty-one years. He has read it many times, and always
with renewed interest, and it has never failed to bring
''It Might Have Been." 233
before his mind an all-p€r\'ading sense of what "might
have been," had it not miscarried and fallen into the
hands of a Yankee instead of the fair one intended.
The letter was in a great heap with many others, and
like all the rest, had been removed from its envelope, so
that it was impossible to ascertain the name of the young
lady addressed. It was written on blue-tinted paper of
unusually good quality for Confederate manufacture ; the
handwriting good, and, indeed, the whole make-up of the
letter was just of the kind most likely to impress the
mind of a young lady. Had it reached its destination an
interesting correspondence would certainly have followed,
and very likely a love affair, and perhaps an engagement
and marriage. Maybe, however, McCauly came to Mo-
bile, was there during the siege, firing at the invaders,
and when off duty calling upon his "unknown friend."
And maybe he fell at Spanish Fort or Blakely in defense
of his native Alabama.
Such a letter as he w^rites is calculated to set in opera-
tion a thousand conjectures, and then it has the ring of
the true soldier with — as is usual with brave men — an
entire absence of bitter epithets for his enemies.
In a different vein is the following, found at the same
time, and yet in the winter's possession :
Tallahassee Landing, Dec. 20, 1864.
My Dearly Beloved Mother : — What in this wide world is the
matter with you all that I never hear from any of you? Have
the Yankees forbidden your writing, and won't they allow your
letters free passage to Mobile? Just four years ag-o we arrived
home and were together. How many events have transpired
since that time. For four years has a desolating war been waged
upon our land, and oh, how many have met their fate, and I fear
miany more will have to sacrifice their lives before the end of
the struggle for independence. I suppose ere this you have heard
;34 Muskets and Medicine.
of the battle of Franklin, Tenn., which was fought two or three
weeks ago. It must have been an awful fight. Our soldiers
charged their line of breastworks and succeeded in capturing (?)
them. It was a great slaughter and almost a drawn battle. We
claim a victory, but lost from five to eight thousand men. Oh !
how many of our brave, true soldiers sacrificed their lives on
their country's altar that day! How many fond hopes and an-
ticipations and loved ones met their doom and now lie buried in
the cold soil of Tennessee! Is it not awful to think of?
And when those they loved, off in distant States, hear of their
deaths how sad their hearts will be ! We lost several good Gen- ~
erals whose places can hardly be filled. The Fifteenth Missis-
sippi went into the fight with two hundred and twenty men and
lost seventy. Loring's Division that day lost seven hundred men ;
it is said the loss of line and field officers was great.
I heard from Cousin Bob not long since. He was well and in
fine spirits; he said they got but very little to eat, that they would
kill a hog and never clean the hair off, and they would get their
rations of meat with the bair on and cook it on a stick. He
would make his bread on his oil cloth and bake it on a fence
rail. He had been in several fights since I heard from him.
Well, mother, the Yankees have been pretty close to us. They
have been up on the railroad as far as Pollard ; they destroyed
the track for some distance and then left. There was about
four hundred white men and five hundred negroes. Governor
Watts has called out the militia to drive them back.
Yankee General Sherman has evacuated Atlanta and gone in
the interior of the State ; he has been to Miledgeville and sev-
eral other towns. No one can imagine what he intends doing;
the papers say that he is soon to be surrounded .and captured.
I hope so, but fear he is too wide awake to be caught in a trap.
The mean old wretch ! I wish he would be caught and hung to
the first limb. Oh ! that I was a man ; I would be willing to
sacrifice everything on earth and go and fight for my country.
I daily wish that I was a man.
How I wish I could see you all and be happy once again on
earth. Do you hear from grandma often? How does she and
Aunt Vicky get along with the Yankees? Where is Howard
now — in the army? Give my love to aunty and the girls. How
''0, That I Was a Man!" 235
is Mrs. Julia Murphy? My love to her. I suppose you would
like to hear something of the family. All are well ; the children
grow fast; they will soon be large enough to go to school. Hall
is so much like our family in every respect ; he is a smart, sweet
child, and so are all the rest. How do you expect to spend your
Christmas? I hope pleasantly. I expect to see no pleasure at
all. It will be a very dull one here. Dear mother, do write often
to me, and make Beckie write, too, and tell me everj^hing con-
cerning you all. I will close for this time. I will look anxiously
for a letter from you.
Good-bye, dear mother; believe me your loving child,
Victoria Nixon.
On one margin of the letter was written the following :
"Don't never send another letter to M — k, as they gen-
erally open them all at that office. Send them hereafter
to Lowndes — now, be certain to do it."
Fellow participitants in the Mobile campaign, that let-
ter of Mrs. Victoria Nixon is wonderfully human, isn't
it? And when in the long ago you were firing at those
fellows over there so recklessly, did it not occur to you
that! they had homes, friends and loving kindred just as
you had, all of whom were as near and dear to them as
yours to you? War is a horrid thing at best, and the
men who are killed and wounded are far from being its
only and really worst sufferers.
If Mrs. Victoria Nixon is yet alive and should these
pages by any fortunate chance come under her eyes, I
trust she will accept the very best wishes of the author,
her erstwhile enemy ; and to her family of little folks of
fifty-one years ago, if alive today, gray-haired men and
women, a most cordial greeting is extended.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Surrender of The Confederate Armies —
Incidents Attending The Close of The
Last Campaign.
"There is a tear for all that die,
A mourner o'er the humblest grave."
— Byron.
At the opening of the spring campaign in 1865, the
four main armies of the Confederates were: Army of
Northern Virginia, under General Robert E. Lee, oc-
cupied in the defense of Richmond and Petersburg;
Army of the Tennessee, under General Joseph E. John-
ston, confronting Sherman in the Carolinas ; ' Army of
the Trans-Mississippi, under General E. Kirby Smith,
with headquarters at Shreveport, La., and Army of Ala-
bama, under General Richard Taylor, principally at
Mobile, Ala.
The Army of Northern Virginia surrendered April 9
to General Grant at Appomattox ; the Army of the Ten-
nessee surrendered to General Sherman April 26. The
Army of the Trans-Mississippi, having had pretty much
its own way in Texas and Western Louisiana since
Banks' Red River campaign, one year before, w^as ex-
ceedingly loath to yield to the Government of the United
States, and upon the 21st of April its commanded issued
an address to his soldiers containing these w^ords : "With
you rests the hopes of our Nation (the Confederacy),
and upon your action depends the fate of our people.
Stand by your colors, maintain your discipline, be the
(236)
Africa}! Slave Traders.
means of checking the triumph of our enemy, and secur-
ing the final triumph of our cau.se!"
But later, when all the Confederate forces east of the
Mississippi had capitulated, General E. Kirby Smith sur-
rendered to General E. R. S. Canby. Meantime, General
Smith's warlike address had caused the United States
authorities to set on foot a large expedition under Gen-
eral P. H. Sheridan, for the overthrow of all enemJes
in Texas and Western Louisiana. But General Smith
finally concluded further resistance was folly, and capitu-
lated as stated above.
After the fall of Mobile, April 9, General Richard
Taylor withdrew the greater part of the troops compos-
ing the Army of Alabama toward the interior, but finally,
at Citronelle, Ala., May 4, turned over to General E. R.
S. Canby all munitions of war, public propeny of a mili-
tary character, and surrendered his army. At the same
time and place Commodore Tarrand, of the Confederate
Na\7, surrendered the naval forces on the Tombigbee
River. A part of these, with some transports, made up
the iieet that the writer came upon so unexpectedly, as
referred to in the last chapter.
In a few days arrangements were made for all the
Union troops to go to Islobile upon the captured trans-
ports. One of these was the Southern Republic, a large
three-"decker." It had been the propert}^ of two
brothers at Mobile, who grew rich in the African slave
trade. About Mobile were some natives of Africa who,
after being kidnapped, had been brought over to this
countr}^ and sold into slavery.
Upon the transports were a few Confederates dressed
in their conventional gray. Most of these were ofncers,
238 Muskets and Medicine.
and some of them were from Lee's army and had got
thus far on their journey homeward.
At last all were aboard and started down the river for
Mobile. The last hostile movement having been made
against the enemy, and with no more in prospect, came
a new sensation — the long, cruel war had at last ended.
Those who have reached mature age since war-time can
have no adequate realization of the long days of bloody
battle, anxiety and anguish, that lengthened out into-
weeks, months and years, from April, 1861, till April,
1865.
The trip to Mobile was quickly made. The river was
full and the current swift ; the banks were, for the most
part, covered with unbroken forest, some of the larger
trees overhanging the water's edge. All the trees of the
forest were covered with long gray moss that dropped
from the boughs and fell over the foliage in a graceful
manner, light, airy and beautiful as lace work.
After reaching Mobile the division went into camp
about three miles from the city upon the hills. My com-
pany was encamped in the yard of one of the brothers —
name forgotten — before referred to as one of the owners
of the Southern Republic, and who had grown rich be-
fore the war in the African slave trade. The house was
a large, square, plain structure, but pleasant and home-
Hke.
While all active military service w^as at an end, there
were yet formal camp duties to perform; among these
was guard duty. However, in this all soon grew lax,
and the w^riter more than once about this period remem-
bers waking from sound sleep the party whom he was to
relieve. Two hours in the middle of night at some lone
spot drags along very slowly. When on guard under
Capture of Jefferson Davis. 239
such circumstances the writer more than once resorted
to counting. After learning by trial how many could be
counted in a given time, it was readily ascertained, by
approximation, of course, the number that would be
counted in two hours; then upon mounting guard the
counting of this number was resolutely entered upon and
kept at till accomplished, at about which time the ap-
proach of the relief gave notice that the two hours had
expired. This simple expedient, by fixing the mind upon
the accomplishment of a certain object, served to hasten
the flight of time.
Some of these lone nights, when on guard, the only
living thing seemed to be the Southern mocking-bird.
Sometimes^the singer would make his presence known
in some thick bush nearby in a burst of song that in suc-
cession mimicked every bird of the forest.
While encamped at this place papers were received
containing a full account of the capture of Jefferson
Davis. This occurred May 10, 1865, at Irwinsville, Ga.
The captors were a body of men under Colonel Pritchard,
of the Fourth Michigan Cavalry. The capture of the
President of the Southern Confederacy at the time of its
occurrence occasioned much rejoicing, and removed the
last vestige of Southern resistance.
One day, with two or three companions, I went black-
berrying in a heavily-timbered section, two or three miles
from camp, situated in a low region of country in which
were several swamps and bayous.
After a time, while picking some berries and moving
about in quest of others, I became separated from my
companions. Meantime the sun became obscured by
heav}^ clouds, it began to thunder and threaten rain, while
in almost ever}: direction could be heard the deep bellow-
240 Muskets and Medicine.
ing of alligators. They seemed nearby, and their un-
earthly noise was not calculated to add to the cheerful-
ness of one alone in a heavy, strange forest in an enemy's
country and with a terrific storm approaching. For-
tunately, however, the storm passed around and I soon
found my way out of the timber, and in due time reached
camp with a good supply of nice berries.
Speaking of alligators, the writer recalls an experi--
ence with what was supposed to be one in the early
spring of 1863, while marching across the peninsula
opposite Vicksburg, when upon the campaign against that
stronghold. The command, had halted for a day or two
at Holmes' plantation, and with a companion I set out
for a hunt. The whole region nearly was more or less
under water, and we were obliged to make our way for
the most part upon a levee that led along the banks of
a bayou. Pretty soon we saw what was thought to be
an alligator sticking his head out of the water. We both
had army muskets that carried a large minnie ball. One
of us took aim and fired very deliberately, but made no
impression upon the object aimed at, but as alligators are
notoriously non-ir oressionable to bullets, nothing was
thought of this, and another shot was fired. About this
time the "alligator" jerked his head under water, but
soon put it out again, and this operation he repeated at
short inters^als. Meantime shot after shot was fired, and
at last one knocked off a large piece of bark from the
end of a gray, weather-beaten log that lay in the stream
in such a position that while one end was imbedded in
the mud the other projected up stream and just came to
the surface, upon which it rose and fell with the current.
This, technically called by boatmen a "sawder," was
spring-field Musket, made in America, and one of which the
author carried through the Mobile Campaign in the Spring-
of 1865.
Hospital Steward's Chevrons, worn by author in Civil War
Medical Service; and kind of Bottle from which he dispensed
quinine.
{See piuje 2.',3)
Explosion of Ammunition. 241
what we had taken for an alHgator's head and fired at
so many times,.
One day I was sitting upon the fence around the house
near which my company was encamped, when, all at once,
a terrific explosion was heard that seemed to be right at
hand. The first thought was that the Brigade Battery^
had, unnoticed, taken position nearby and discharged sev-
eral pieces simultaneously, but turning my eyes toward
Mobile I saw rising there that great column of smoke
characteristic of an explosion. The smoke mounted up
in a dark, thick mass and then spread out like an im-
mense umbrella or mushroom, and through it could be
seen broken timbers and debris of all kinds flying in
twtry direction. Although three miles from Mobile,
quite a concussion was felt, and glass was cracked in the
windows of the houses near camp.
It was supposed a steamer at the wharf had blown
up, but later came word that an immense amount of
ammunition surrendered by the Confederates, shipped in
by rail and stored in a large warehouse in Mobile, had
exploded. A number were killed, and tlie shock in the
city was almost like an earthquake, breaking windows
and tearing doors from their hinges all over the city.
16
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Disbanding The Armies.
"Grim-visaged war has smoothed his wrinkled front."
— Shakespeare.
Enlisting, equipping, drilling and disciplining an
army is a long, laborious and tedious process, as one can
readily see who gives' the matter thought. Disbanding
an army, which includes satisfactorily settling wath and
mustering out each individual composing that army^ is
not so difficult a process, but yet is one that takes time
and involves much labor.
Pretty soon after the surrender of the Confederate
armies under Generals Lee and Joseph E. Johnston,
orders were issued from Washington for mustering out
of the service all troops whose terms of enlistment
expired before a certain date.
In the case of the 77th Illinois, to which I then be-
longed, and which, it will be recalled, comprised the
original 77th organization consolidated with the original
130th Illinois, the term of enlistment of the first named
expired some little time before that of the last named;
consequently the troops compo.sang the old 77th were
mustered out, and we of the old 130th Illinois were re-
organized and became the 130th Illinois Battalion, and
as such remained in the service a time longer.
This reorganization restored me to my old position of
'hospital steward, not a little to my own satisfaction and
to that of my friends as well, who, I flattered myself,
realized that during my six months in the ranks,
(242)
''Ups and Downs." 243
I had tried manfully to do every duty. But as I had
begun the study of medicine my rightful place was in
the medical department, and, as said before, I felt a
great deal of satisfaction and some pride in getting back.
Thus it came about that during my three years' mili-
tary service I had twice been a private with a gun in my
hands, and thcyimplied, if not avowed, intent to harrass,
wound, maim and in every way cripple the enemy; and
twice a hospital steward with the declared purpose of
binding up the wounds and ministering to the sufferings
of foe and friend alike.
Early one July morning those composing the old 77th
Illinois were drawn up in line preparatory to marching
to Mobile, three miles distant, where a steamer awaited
them at the wharf ; and I shall never forget the appear-
ance of these men as I viewed them from my tent a little
distance away. How light their hearts and how bouyant
their steps as they moved off on their journey! With
what satisfaction each man must have looked upon his
service ! Since the date of his enlistment, three years
before, what tremendous events had transpired! Three
years of weary, tedious, bloody war had dragged out
their agonizing length! Midsummer 1862 — midsummer
1865 ! What terrific strife, what sorrow, what anguish,
what bleeding, filled the gap ! July, 1862, doubt, distrust,
disaster! July, 1865, joy, confidence, achievement, vic-
tory!
Near camp was a family ^\nth whose members I came
to be quite friendly. They loaned me books to read, and
on more than one occasion when they were away, with
a companion, I slept in the house. Some of the friends
of our host expostulated with him for trusting so much
to Yankee soldiers.
244 Muskets and Medicine.
One day in- August an order came for the battalion/ to
report at New Orleans, to be mustered out. A boat was
taken at Mobile one afternoon and the trip made by way
of Mississippi Sound, Grant's Pass and Lake Ponchar-
train.
Lake ?ort, near New Orleans, was reached the middle
of the forenoon next day. At the landing a one-legged
soldier from Lee's army hobbled oft" the boat with crutch
and cane. He had given four years of ser\ace, for what"?
And now, crippled, penniless, and perhaps homeless, he
returned to his native dty to drag out the remnant of a
life worse than ruined by a war originally brought on by
a few in his native South, with whom he had neither
interest nor sympathy.^
Some days were spent at New Orleans making out the
muster rolls, turning over Government property, etc.
By and by, all being in readiness, passage up the river
was secured on a most excellent river boat, and upon this
the battalion embarked. The trip was delightful, and
many places passed with which the command had every
reason to be familiar. Among these were Baton Rouge,
Morganza Bend, Grand Gulf, Vicksburg, Milliken's
Bend, Memphis, etc., each of w^hich brought to mind
past experience in camp and field.
Near Memphis, one morning, a man in one of the com-
panies was missing, and no trace of him could be found
on the boat. The vessel had not been near shore since^
the evening pre^aous, when the missing man's comrades
saw him alive and w^ell.
Upon the cabin deck of the boat were cots upon which
were several sick men; one of these was delirious with
typhoid fever, and one night, when the nurse's back was
Our Last River Trip. 245
turned, jumped over the railing and was lost in the dark,
seething waters of the Mississippi.
One evening just after nightfall the lights of Cairo
came in sight, and produced a strange thrill in the hearts
of the little band of Illinoisans aboard, who, three years
before, had come by that cit}^ on their way to the enemy's
country, but with what fortune they were to return no
one could say. Every man was thrilled with delight as
he stepped from the boat at Cairo and once more trod
upon the soil of his own beloved State that had sent to
the front so many of its brave sons, and given to the
Nation a Lincoln and a Grant. Seldom does it fall to
the lot of one commonwealth to contribute so much to
the country's weal.
Next day, toward evening, a stock train was boarded
and the trip to Camp Butler started upon. Yes, w^e
gladly entrained on cars that were, to a greater or less
degree, yet foul from the shipping of cattle, hogs and'
horses. This, in strange contrast to the Pullmans in
which the Spanish War soldiers went to the front, and
likev^nse the troops of today, who are going to and from
the Mexican border. Bu,t with us circumstances were
different ; so long and so much had we been on the march
that transportation of any kind and in any sort of a con-
veyance whatsoever, even befouled stock cars, seemed
little short of a luxury.
The next morning after entraining found us approach-
ing central Illinois, and from almost every farmhouse and
dwelling those within were waving from door or window
■some article of textile character. Some of these were
handkerchiefs, but towels, pillow slips, and, indeed, al-
most anything that hand could be laid upon was vigor-
ously waved. One German woman, from an upstairs
246 Muskets and Medicine.
window, with no little energy, flaunted what our soldiers
declared was her red flannel skirt! But it all meant
hearty welcome, and so we gladly received it.
Campi Butler was reached in.' the afternoon, and as its
gates were entered what memories crowded upon the
mind! Three years before, out of this enclosure,
marched an organization a thousand strong; today it
returns a little band of two hunidred. Where are the
eight hundred missing? Some of them have but recently"
•come from the enemy's prison pens and will yet reach
their friends in safety. Many, very many, found graves
beside the great river in Tennessee, Louisiana and
Mississippi, and others lie not far distant from the sea
in Texas and Alabama. Many more have in the past
three years been discharged as no longer flt for ser\^ice
and returned to their homes maimed in body and broken
down with disease.
Not long after reaching Camp Butler a letter was re-
ceived from the commandant at Vicksburg, stating that
the dead body of a man was rescued from the river there,
■ upon whose person was found letters and papers that
identified him as the soldier who disappeared from the
vessel so suddenly one night while coming up the Mis-
sissippi. The letter stated further that there was a bullet
hole through the man's head. Thus the mystery thick-
ened rather than otherwise, as there was supposed to be
no one on the boat who would commit murder, and,
besides, a shot fired would certainly have attracted atten-
tion. This was the last death in the command previous
to dismemberment.
Some days were occupied at Camp Butler before the
final scene in the last act in the drama of war was en-
acted. About the middle of September, one afternoon.
Final Muster-out. 247
the little battalion was drawn up in line for the last time.
Jast in front of the ,line was a house with an open win-
dow, at which sat a regular army officer. Up to this
window each man stepped as his name was called off,
and there was handed him his discharge papers and a
roll of money, representing the amount due from the
Government. But little time was taken in the w^hole
affair, and soon what had been the 130th Reg-iment of
Illinois Volunteers became a thing of the past.
An hour or two later, accompanied by a comrade, I
boarded a train for Springfield, six miles y^'est, and upon
arriving there registered at the American House, think-
ing we would once more enjoy eating from dishes placed
on a white tablecloth, and sleeping in a bed with quilts,
sheets and pillows. Just how we came out as regards
tablecloth, etc., I do not now recall, but the sleeping
experience was indelibly impressed on my memo^}^
We were given a room with two beds, and feeling tired
we were not long in getting in them in anticipation of a
good night's rest. As I had not been in a bed for a long
while the sensation of being between sheets was a novel
one, but the fatigue of the day just gone acted as a kind
of opiate and I soon fell asleep. Just how long I slept
I do not know, but, at any rate, I was partially awak-
ened by a sensation of something crawling over me.
Thinking this was probably only imagination and unwill-
ing to be disturbed, I tried not to notice the sensation,
but my efforts were unavailing, and I realized that sleep
and rest of any kind were out of the question.
Hearing a noise in the other bed as of one turning
about I called to my comrade and asked what was the
trouble. "Trouble, trouble! Bugfs are the trouble!" We
248 MiLskets and Medicine.
now .got out of bed, lit the gas, and found not a few bed-
bugs crawling over our pillows and sheets.
In our three years' ser^ace at the front we had en-
countered Alabama alligators, stood our ground against
Louisiana mosquitoes, and faced a valiant enemy on
many battlefields, but from the presence of these North-
ern pests we made a prompt and hasty retreat. In an
endeavor to make the best of circumstances we rolled up
our coats and putting them under our heads, in lieu of _
pillows, passed the remainder of the night on the floor.
As soon as daylight came we gathered up our belong-
ings and left the room in possession of its original occu-
pants, whose prior claim to occupancy we unhesitatingly
conceded to be stronger than ours.
After breakfast we took a train on the Alton & Chi-
cago Railway for St. Louis, and on the way I found
plenty of time for thought and reflection. I soon found
myself in a mood to say with the poet, "I am pleased
and yet I am sad" — pleased because the war was over,
and the great object for which it was waged, namely, the
preservation of the Union, attained; sad, because the
associations of three long years with their unique experi-
ences, were broken forever.
In due time we reached Illinoistown (now East St.
Louis) and crossed the Mississippi on a ferryboat, for
as yet the great river had not been spanned by a bridge.
We spent the night at the Planter's Hotel, and next
morning we looked about the city and made some neces-
sary purchases. I bought a citizen's suit for $30, which
today could be had for about a third of that amount.
In the afternoon we recrossed the Mississippi River to
Illinoistown, where we took an east-bound train for
Carlyle, 111. Arriving there at the close of a beautiful
Home — A7id the End. 249
September day I recalled the fact that on another beauti-
ful September day, almost precisely three years before,
I had boarded a west-bound train to start on my army
career that was now to become as a closed book.
The night was passed at' the little town hotel, three of
us Qccup3'ing the same room, a.nd undisturbed by unin-
vited and annoying bed fellows, we all slept soundly.
Next morning we took the hack for Greenville, twenty
miles inland, and at that time without railway connec-
tion. \^^e'had a long, dusty drive, but finally reached our
destination and found Greenville to be the same quiet
town in which, three years before, we, as embryo sol-
diers, had drilled on its commons, m.arched through its
dusty streets, and counter-marched over its board side-
walks.
APPENDIX.
Some Facts Pertaining to Civil War Medicine.
The total number of soldiers in the Union Army was
two million three hundred and thirty-five thousand nine
hundred and forty-nine (2,335,949). Of these fifty-nine
thousand eight hundred and sixty (59,860) were killed
in battle, two hundred and eighty thousand and forty
(280,040) wounded, of whom forty-nine thousand two
hundred and five (49,205) died of their injuries, making
a total of one hundred and nine thousand and sixty-five
(109,065) deaths among Union soldiers due to the
enemy's missiles. ^
About one shot wound in five proved immediately
fatal. However, to this rule there were exceptions, the
most remarkable one of which, perhaps, occurred at Fort
Donelson, where the 4th Mississippi (Confederate) sus-
tained a loss of 40 killed and only 8 wounded.
The relative area presented by various parts of the
body has been calculated with some degree of accuracy,
and for the head, face and neck is believed to be 8.51
1 It has been estimated that the Confederates sustained a loss
of fifty-one thousand four hundred and twenty-five (51,425)
killed and two hundred and twenty-seven thousand eight hundred
and seventy-one (227,871) wounded. Allowing that the fatality
among the Confederate wounded would not be less than that of
the Federals, the number dying from injuries received in battle
should be about forty-one thousand (41,000). Thus the Con-
federate total fatalities would in round numbers aggregate
ninety-two thousand (92,000).
(250)
Unusual Cases. 251
per cent. ; for the trunk, 28.91 ; for the upper extremities,
21.14; for the lower extremities, 41.41.
In the Civil War 10.77 per cent, of the wounds were of
the head, face and neck; 18.37 of the trunk; 35.71 of the
upper extremities, and 35.15 of the lower extremities.
Thus it will be seen that more than seven-tenths of the
wounds were of the extremities.
Of wounds received in the upper extremities the hands
and fingers were injured in a relatively large proportion
of cases, doubtless due to the fact that these members
were so freely exposed in loading, firin-g and manipulat-
ing the weapon.
Unusual Cases.
One man became a target for so many bullets that he
had on his person no less than twenty-six wounds of
entrance and exit, most of which were in his lower
extremities. But, notwithstanding his numerous and
severe injuries, he survived his unfortunate experience
twenty-eight days.
Fourteen soldiers are known to have survived pene-
trating wounds of the skull which, in some cases, in-
volved protrusion of brain-substance.
In four instances wounds of the heart did not prove
immediately fatal ; and one patient sur\aved for fourteen
•days a wound of one of his auricles inflicted by a round
musket ball.
About one wound in twelve was in the chest, and of
those which penetrated the lungs, a little more than six
in ten proved fatal.
There were thirty-seven recoveries from shot wounds
of the liver. Of sixty-four cases that came under obser-
vation with penetrating wounds of the stomach, only one
9,n9,
Civil War Medicine.
recovered. Other than this group of sixty-four cases
there were not a few shot wounds of the stomach that
proved almost immediately fatal on the battlefield.
There were three thousand seven hundred and seven-
teen (3717) penetrating wounds of the abdomen, and of
these more than 92 per cent, were fatal. In cases where
the small intestine was involved death almost invariably
resulted. On the other hand, quite a few recoveries fol-
lowed severe wounds of the large intestine.
Chail^cter of Missiles. •
In one hundred and forty-one thousand nine hundred
and sixty-one (141,961) w^ounds in which the character
of the missile was ascertained this was found to have
been fired from a rifle, musket, carbine, pistol or revolver ;
in other words, from a small arm, in more than 90 per
cent, of cases. So that fully nine-tenths of Civil War
injuries were inflicted by the man with a gun in his
hands.
Furthermore, the great majority of this class of in-
juries were made with the minnie ball, which was elon-
gated, or conoidal in shape, pointed at one end, convex
at the other and weighed more than an ounce. In firing
the convex extremity next the powder expanded, filled
the rifle grooves and thus the bullet received a rotary
motion that greatly increased its velocity and power of
execution. From the Springfield musket, that practically
displaced all others in the last years of the Civil War, a
bullet would sometimes kill a man at the distance of a
mile. When going at full velocity the ball would usually
make a round hole near its own size in passing through
a bone. On the other hand, w^hen to a degree spent.
Base Hospitals. 253
any bony structure impinged against would be, to a
greater or less degree, shattered.
Fourteen thousand and two (14,002) wounds were
knowai to have been produced by missiles such as grape-
shot, canister, solid shot and fragments of shell, all fired
from cannon, ranging in caliber from six-pound field
guns to two hundred-pound Columbiads.
Nine hundred and twenty-two (922) wounds were
made with bayonet or sabre, which goes to show that
there was relatively little hand-to-hand fighting in the
Civil War, and even the cavalry punished the enemy for
the most part with bullets from carbines, revolvers and
pistols.
Base Hospitals.
The Civil War had not long been in progress when
urgent need was felt for hospitals more permanent than
those in tents. To meet this want churches, school-
houses, colleges, hotels, depots, store buildings, ware-
houses, private dwellings, and even sheds and barns were
utilized.
Finally, as tlie war continued and time brought an
immense and wholly unlooked-for han^est of sick and
wounded, many hospitals were built in eligible localities.
These were, for the most part, one- or two-stor}- frame
structures, consti-ucted on the pavilion plan.
Washington City and its environments had the largest
number of military hospitals, and Philadelphia came
next. These ranged in size from an officer's hospital
in Beaufort, S. C, with twenty beds, to the Satterlee in
Philadelphia, with a capacity of more than thirty-five
hundred beds. The Satterlee, moreover, enjoyed the
254 Civil War Medicine.
advantage of having, on its visiting staff some of the
ablest Philadelphia physicians and surgeons.
_Some of these base hospitals were as far North as the
City'of Detroit, Mich. ; some as far South as St. Augus-
tine, Fla., and among others located in the South, the
City of Memphis, on the Mississippi, had no less than
seven commodious structures for the care of the sick and
wounded.
From first to last during the Civil War there were
more than two hundred military hospitals of the charac-
ter above described, and their combined bed-capacity
aggregated many thousands.
The regimental field, hospitals were the principal
feeders of the base hospitals. From their regimental
surgeons the sick and wounded received attention till
orders came to go on the march, when, in ambulances,
the patients would be conveyed to a hospital boat, in case
one was near, or a railway train. On the rivers and
navigable bodies of water steam vessels were converted
into hospital boats, and these rendered admirable service
in transporting patients. Furthermore, inland railway
trains were specially fitted up for the same purpose. In
many cases, however, the ordinar}' box-car, in which a
quantity of clean straw or hay was spread, was made to
transport the wounded. After the Battle of Gettysburg,
in July, 1863, fifteen thousand wounded were in this way
carried to hospitals in Harrisburg, York, Baltimore,
Philadelphia, etc.
Excision.
In four thousand six hundred and fifty-six (4656)
cases the operation of excision was performed for shot-
wounds in the continuity of the long bones or in the joint
Amputations.
structures. The mortalit}^ was a little less than 25 per
cent—About four-fifths of the excisioas were made on
the upper extremities. In the earlier part of the Civil
War this operation was quite popular, but became less
so in the last years of the struggle.
Amputations.
The total number of amputations of arms and legs was
twenty-nine tliousand nine hundred and eighty (29,980).
Of these two hundred and fort3'-nine (249) were ream-
putations and three hundred and five (305) followed the
operation of excision. About 25 per cent, of the patients
upon whom amputations were made died. There were,
in all, sixty-six amputations at the hip-joint, and of these
more than 80 per cent, proved fatal. There were eight
hundred and sixty-six (866) cases in which amputations
were made at the shoulder- joint, and in these there was
a mortality of about 30 per cent.
Arterial Hemorrhages and Ligations.
The Civil War hospital records show three thousand
two hundred and forty-fve (3245) cases of arterial hem-
orrhage, and in these death followed in one thousand
three hundred and eighty (1380) ; a mortality of more
than 61 per cent.
For arterial hemorrhage following shot-injuries the
operation of ligation was performed in one thousand one
hundred and fifty-five (1155) cases, and in these there
was a mortality of a little more than 59 per cent.
It is believed that a very large proportion of those
referred to as "killed in battle" really "bleed to death."
It will be recalled that Albert Sidne}^ Johnson, the
256 Civil War Medicine.
famous Confederate General, died very suddenly from a
shot-wound of the popliteal artery, received on the 6th
day of April, 1862, at the battle of Pittsburg Landing.
Anesthetics.
While it was not possible to obtain exact figures, yet
it was ascertained that in the field and in the various
military hospitals, anesthesia was produced in no less
than eighty thousand (80,000) instances. Chloroform
was the favorite anesthetic with the Civil War surgeon,
principally from the fact that it acted promptly and the
patient recovered quickly from its effects, which were
seldom other than agreeable. It was the anesthetic used
in fully 75 per cent, of cases. Ether was used in about
one case in ten, and a mixture of chloroform and ether
in one case in fifteen.
Thirty-seven deaths resulted after chloroform inhala-
tion and four followed the use of ether.
Tetanus.
There were five hundred and five (505) cases of
tetanus, a Y&ry small proportion, when it is recalled that
two hundred and forty-six thousand seven hundred and
twelve (246,712) injuries were inflicted on Union sol-
diers by fire-arms. In other words, tetanus occurred as
a complication only about twice in one thousand wounds.
Gangrene.
During the Civil War there were two thousand six
hundred and forty-two (2642) cases of gangrene which,
from its prevalence in hospitals, was called "hospital"
Private T. W. January, who amputated his own feet.
Private J. \\'. January, who amputated his own feet
Gangrene. 257
gangrene. Of the total number of cases, one thousand
o-n^, hundred and fort}-two (1142), or only a Httle less
than half, terminated fatally. Again, of all the cases that
occurred during the Civil War, about three-fifths, or to
be exact, one thousand six hundred and eleven (1611)
appeared in the year 1864. Nearly 90 per cent, of the
patients stricken had the disease in wounds located either
in thq legs or arms ; nearly twice as often in the former
as in the latter, however. Only a little more than 2 per
cent, of the cases were found in wounds of the head,
neck and face.
One of the most remarkable recoveries from gangrene
on record is that of Private J. W. January, Company B,
14th Illinois Cavalry, who was captured while on Gen-
eral Stoneman's raid in July, 1864, and was confined in
Andersonville for a time, then transferred to Charleston,
S. C, and with other prisoners purposely placed mider
Federal artillery fire. Next, Private January was taken
to Florence, S. C, where he passed the winter of 1864-5,
and began an experience which he himself can best re-
late: "On or about Februar)^ 15,4865, I was stricken
with 'swamp fever,' and for three weeks I remained in
a delirious condition ; finally the fever abated and reason
returned. I soon learned from the surgeon, after a liasty
exammation, that I was a victim of scur\7 and gangrene,
and was removed to the gangrene hospital.
"My feet and ankles, five inches above the joints, pre-
sented a livid, lifeless appearance, and soon the 'flesh:
began to slough oft-, and the surgeon, with a brutal oath,
said I would die. But I was determined to live, and
begged him to cut my feet oft, telling him that if he
would I could live. He still refused, and believing that
my life depended on the removal of my feet, I secured an
Civil War Medicine.
old pocket knife and cut through the decaying flesh and
severed tendons. The feet were unjointed, leaving the
bones protruding without a covering of flesh for five
inches. (See picture taken three months after release.)
"At the close of the war I was taken by the Rebs to
our Hnes at Wilmington, N. C, in April, 1865, and, when
weighed, learned that I had been reduced from 165
pounds (my weight when captured) to forty-five pounds.
Ever}'one of the Union surgeons who saw me then said .
that I could not live; but, contrary^ to this beUef, I did,
and improved. Six weeks after release, while on a boat
en route to New York, the bones of my right limb broke
off at the end of the flesh. Six weeks later, while in the
hospital on David's Island, those of my left become
necrosed and broke off similarly. One year after my
release I was able to sit up in bed, and was discharged.
Twelve years after my release my limbs had' healed over,
and, strange to relate, no amputation had ever been per-
formed on them save the one I made in prison. There
is no record of any case in the world similar to mine."
It is only proper to add that Private J. W. January
finally attained much vigor, married, and became the
father of three children. Later he removed to South
Dakota, where he died a few years since.
Pyemia.
What was diagnosed to be pyemia occurred in two-
thousand eight hundred and forty-seven (2847) cases
following wounds, and among these only seventy-one
recovered.
Morbidity.
In the Union Army the enlisted men suffered from six
milhon -twenty-nine thousand five hundred and sixty- four
Disease Classification. 259
(6,029,564) disease attacks, a little less than three per
man. And of these two hundred and one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-nine (201,769) died, and two hundred
and eighty-five thousand five hundred and forty-five
(285,545) were discharged from the service on account
of disability. Thus of the men enlisted in the Union
armies more than one in five was lost to the service by
reason of disease, and one in every eleven was destined
to die from a like cause.
Disease Classification.
In the Civil War era Dr. Farr's system of classifica-
tion was the one most in favor.
Class 1, under this system, embraced zymotic diseases
and included most of what we today term the infectious
maladies.
Class 2 included constitutional diseases, and some of
the individual ailments embraced were gout, acute and
chronic rheumatism, consumption, scrofula, etc. Koch's
era-making work was as yet nearly twenty years in the
future, consequently the infectious nature of tuberculosis
was unknown.
Class 3 embraced parisitic diseases, as itch, of which
more than thirty-two thousand cases were reported ; tape
worm, intestinal worms, etc.
Class 4 embraced all local diseases, including some that
we today know to be infectious.
Class 5 embraced wounds, accidents and injuries.
Diarrhea and Dysentery.
By far the most prevalent disease in the Civil War was
that embraced under diarrhea and dvsenten% and which
260 Civil War Medicine.
gives a total of one million five hundred and eighty-five
thousand one hundred and ninety-six (1,585,196) cases,
about one-fourth of the total of disease attacks from all
causes. Of those suffering from diarrhea and dysentery
fort3^-four thousand five hundred and eight (44,508)
died. Thus it will be seen that bowel diseases were re-
sponsible for considerably more than one-fifth of the
deaths that occurred in the Civil War.
Of those discharged from the service, diarrhea was
assigned as the causative disease in sixteen thousand one
hundred and eighty-five (16,185) cases, and dysentery in
one thousand two hundred and four (1204), making a
total of eighteen thousand three hundred and eighty-five
(18,385) cases with bowel diseases.
Malarial P'ever.
Next to bowel diseases malarial fever furnished the
largest number of cases, and of these this disease
afforded one million one hundred and sixty-three thou-
sand eight hundred and fourteen (1,163,814), with four
* thousand and fifty-nine (4059) deaths, a mortality of
about one in one hundred and forty attacks.
Five types of malarial fever were recognized, namely,
quotidian, intermittent, tertian-intermittent, quartan-in-
termittent, remittent fever and congestive fever. Of the
intermittent varieties of malarial fever there were eight
hundred and sixty-three thousand six hundred and fifty-
one (863,651) cases; of the remittent type two hundred
and eighty-six thousand four hundred and ninety (286,-
490) cases ; and of the congestive form thirteen thousand
six hundred and seventy-three (13,673) cases. In the
cases diagnosed as simple intermittents there were nine
Fevers. 261
hundred and seventeen (917) deaths, a Httle less than
one in a thousand ; in the remittents three thousand eig-ht
hundred and fifty-three (3853), about one in seventy;
and in the congestive three thousand three hundred and
seventy (3370) fatal cases, or about one in four.
As the discovery of the plasmodium malaria was yet
many years in the future, the real etiolog}^ of malarial
fever was absolutely unknown in Civil War days, thoug-h
its best antidote, quinine, was freely and successfully
used.
Typho-malarial Fever.
In 1862 Dr. J. Janiver Woodward, an especially able
man, connected with the medical service of the reg^ular
army, saw a number of soldiers suffering with a form of
typhoid in which there seemed to be pronounced malarial
complications, and to meet this situation he coined the
term typho-7nalarial and bestowed it upon the cases with
the complex symptoms above named. This hyphenated
term was accepted and soon became popular. So pop-
ular, in fact, that forty-nine thousand eight hundred and
seventy-one (49,871) cases of typho-malarial fever were
reported and tabulated, and of these four thousand and
fifty-nine (4059) died, thus showing a monaliry of about
one in twelve.
Continued Fever.
Under the head of continued fever. Civil War statis-
ticians grouped typhoid fever, typhus fever, common
continued fever and typho-malarial fever with an aggre-
gate of cases numbering one hundred and thirty-nine
thousand six hundred and thirt}--eight (139,638), of
262 Civil War Medicine.
which thirty-two thousand one hundred and twelve (32,-
112) terminated fatally.
There were se\'enty-five thousand three hundred and
sixty-eight (75,368) cases of typhoid fever with twenty-
seven thousand and fifty-six (27,056) deaths, or a little
more than one fatal termination in every three attacked.
Of typhus fever there were two thousand five hundred
and one (2501) cases reported, with eight hundred and
fifty (850) deaths, almost precisely one fatal case in
three.
Cases reported as continued fever numbered eleven
thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight (11,898), at-
tended with a fatality of one hundred and forty-seven
(147), about one death in seventy-five.
From the above it will be seen that typhoid and typhus
fever were very serious diseases in the days of the Civil
War, while the cases reported as simple continued fever
were in comparison very mild.
Diseases of the Respiratory Organs.
Diseases of the respiratory organs were very prevalent
among the soldiers, and among these acute bronchitis
afforded no less than one hundred and sixty-eight thou-
sand seven hundred and fifty (168,750) cases, with a
mortality of only six hundred and eighty (680), or about
one death in two hundred and seventy-five (275), show-
ing that the disease was certainly very mild. Of pneu-
monia sixty-one thousand two hundred and two (61,202)
cases were reported with a mortalit}^ of fourteen thou-
sand seven hundred and thirty-eight (14,738), or more
than one death in four.
Fevers. 263
There were reported thirty-one thousand eight hundred
and _5fty-two (31,852) cases of pleurisy with only five
hundred and ninety (590) deaths. Doubtless a great
many cases reported as pleurisy were neuralgic in char-
acter and wholly unattended with inflammation of the
plural membrane.
Eruptive Fevers.
Among eruptive fevers measles headed the list with
sixty-seven thousand seven hundred and sixty-three (67,-
763) cases, followed by four thousand two hundred and
forty-six (4246) deaths, or a little less than one in six-
teen.
There were twelve thousand two hundred ajid thirty-
six (12,236) cases of smallpox with a mortahty of four
thousand seven hundred and seventeen (4717), a little
more than one in three. Thus it. will be seen that in the
Civil War smallpox, typhoid fever and t}'phus fever each
had about the same death rate.
Digestive Organs.
'Among the ailments recorded under those of the
digestive organs are nine thousand six hundred and three
(9603) cases of inflammation of the stomach with four
hundred and eighty-nine (489) deaths; live thousand
seven hundred and two (5702) cases of innammiation of
the bowels with nine hundred and forty (940) deaths ;
one thousand two hundred and ninety-four (1294) cases
of inflammation of peritoneum with five hundred and
thirty (530) deaths; eleven thousand one hundred and
twenty (11,120) cases of acute inflammation of the liver
with two hundred and forty-two (242) deaths; and eight
264 Civil Wiir Medicine.
thousand two hundred and sixty (8260) cases of chronic
inflammation of the liver, with two hundred and two
(202) deaths.
Thus we have a total of thirty-five thousand nine hun-
dred and sixty-one (35,961) cases of inflammatory trou-
bles in the abdominal cavity, with two thousand four
hundred and four (2404) deaths, or less than one
in fifteen.
Roughly speaking, of the total of disease attacks from"
which Civil War soldiers suffered about one in one hun-
dred and seventy (170) was from inflammation of the
liver, stomach, bowels or peritoneum, And from the
same trouble resulted about one death in eighty (80) of
the grand total of fatalities.
Rheumatism.
One hundred and forty-five thousand five hundred and
fifty-one (145,551) cases of rheumatism were reported
with only two hundred and eighty-three (283) deaths, or
about one in five hundred. Of chronic rheumatism there
were one hundred and nine thousand one hundred and
eighty-seven (109,187) cases, with one hundred and
ninety-two (192) deaths, or about one in six hundred.
Tuberculosis.
Thirteen thousand four hundred and ninety-nine (13,-
499) cases of pulmonary (?) consumption were tabu-
lated, with five thousand three hundred and eighty-six
(5386) deaths. These figures show a mortality of only
about 40 per cent. However, the remaining eight thou-
sand one hundred and thirteen (8113) cases were doubt-
less discharged on surgeon's certificate, and most of them
Enthetic Diseases. 265
reached home, in all probability, to die later from their
disabilities.
Enthetic Diseases.
Enthetic diseases constituted a suborder of the zymotic
class of ailments. The word enthetic pertains to a dis-
ease originating from some cause without the body, and
this order included syphilis, gonorrhea, stricture of the
urethra, purulent ophthalmia and serpent bites.
One thousand and twenty-five (1025) cases of syphilis
were reported, with thirteen deaths; one thousand seven
hundred and twenty-three (1723) cases of gonorrhea,
with one death.
Among white troops there were one hundred and
forty-four (144) cases of homicide; three hundred and
one (301) suicides, and one hundred and four (104)
executions.
INDEX.
Accidental deaths, 133
wounds, 55, IZ, 133
Accoutrements, 52
Activity, best for soldiers, 154
Administration of medicines,
130
Lincoln's, 13, 14, 17, 21, 23,
24, 25, 32, IZ, 34, 35, 141,
202, 203
Adventure, a remarkable, 113,
114
African slave-traders, 237
Africans, native, 237
Ag:ue, 44, 45
Alabama, 11, 210, 211, 233. 246,
248
army of, 237
River,_ 226
secession of, 11
Algiers, La., 144, 156, 168
Alligators, 75, 239, 240
Alton, III, 42
Ambulance, 69, 98, 104, ■ 133,
134
Ammunition, explosion of, 241
Amputations, 255
Anderson, Gen. Robert, 12, 13
"Andy over" in battle, 217
Anesthetics, 258
Anglo-Saxon, 121, 122
Ann Arbor, 188
Antietam, 39
Antisepsis, lack of, 10, 105,
122, 131
Appendix, 250
Appetite, a soldier's, 57, 74,
147, 163
Arkansas, 52, (^Z
Army, Confederate, 223, 224
enlistment in, 31, 32
of Gulf, 176, 210
of Tennessee, 82, 115
Army organization, 70
Arterial hemorrhage, 205, 206
Asepsis, want of, 104, 105, 121
127, 131
Assassination, Lincoln's, 228
Assault, a deadly, 102
by colored troops, 222, 223
Atchafalaya River, 203
Auburn, Miss., 92
Aunt Tilda, 190, 196
Banks, Gen. N. P., 90, 108, 176,
177, 201
young, a victim, 103, 146
Barry, Dr., 125
Base hospitals, 253, 254
Baton Rouge, La., 183
Battery, 70, 82
Battle, our f^rst, l(y, 87
Bavou Pierre, 56, 78, 84
Bayou, Teche, 162, 168
Beauregard, Gen., 28
(gunboat), 63
Bedbugs, 247, 248
Bedfellows, unwelcome, 247,
248
Beehive, a soldier's, 181
Belleville, 111., 36, 40, 41, 42
Benton, 72
Gen., 208, 216
Berwick Bay, 168
Big Black River, 91, 95, 96,
108, 112
Black River Bridge, 94, 95, 96
Blair, Gen. Frank P., 92
Blockade, Vicksburg, 72, IZ,
121, 122
Body lice, 165, 166
Bolus, a bitter, 44, 45
Bond County, 12, 15, 20, 35, 39,
40
(267)
268
Index.
Bonheur, Rosa, 122
Books, medical, 128
Bowie, Dr., 75
residence, 75
Bragg, Gen., 59, 64, 65
Brainard, Dr. Daniel, 126
Brasher City, 146, 147, 156, 168
"Brave Boys," 39, 218
Breakfast, a tempting, 51
Breckenridge, Gen. John C,
185
Brigade, 70
Brooklyn, 120
Bruinsburg, Miss., 77, 139
Buchanan, Commodore, Frank,
77, 212
Buchanan, Commodore, Mc-
Kean, 149
Buell, Gen., 22, 27
Bull Run, Battle of, 17, 20, 23
Bullet in brain, 99, 103, 131
132
Bullet wounds, 133
Bullets, Civil War, 252, 253
Burial of the dead, 60, 107, 111
of a soldier, 163
Burnside, Gen., 59
Cairo, 175, 181, 187, 245
a soldier's beehive, 181
Calhoun, 149
Camp Butler, 42, 53, 245, 246
Camp Jackson, 19
Canby, Gen. E. R. S., 210, 230,
237
Cannonading, heavy, 20, 76
Capital, State, 40, 41
Captain, a dead, Te:x:as, 220,
221
Capture of Camp Jackson, 19
Captured, my friends, 167, 168,
169
Cards and cards, 64, 65
Carlyle, 111., 41, 247
Carondolet, 72
Carr, Gen., 93
Carrollton, La., 143
Carthage, New, 72, 73, 76, 122
Cavalry, Mexican, 203
Caves at Vicksburg, 110
Celebration, Julv 4, 1861, 33
Centralia, 111., 175
Champion Hill, Battle of, 92,
93, 94, 96, 100
Chancellorsville, Battle of, 92
Character of missiles, 252, 253
of volunteers, 35
Chess, 186, 187
Chicago merchantile battery, 82
Chicamauga, 34
"Chuck-a-luck," 198
Church, Episcopal, 63, 64
Christmas dinner, 171
Civil War medicine, 250, 265
Civilization, 175
Classification of disease, 219
Clerg}'maVi, an eloquent, 33, 34
Clothing, 49, 198
Coercion, 12, 27
Coffee, 74, 76, 84, 214
-pot, extemporized, 147
Colby, Capt. Wm. H., 103, 102,
176
Cook, our hospital, 133, 138
_ 170, 171
Cooking, Civil War, 46, 47,
136, 137, 147, 214, 234
Cooks, amateur, 46, 47
Colored troops, 141, 152
Columbiads, 110, 18
Comrade, a sick, 58
Confederacy, 32, 85, 120, 140,
209, 222
Confederate, a fallen, 94
a thrift}-, 109, 110
a willing captive, 85
an enthusiastic, 86, 87
dead, 109, 110, 220, 221
doctors, 177
first one encountered, 81
money, 109, 110
Confederates, 53, 78, 79, 93, 96,
108, 109, 110, 182, 185,
201, 202, 203, 205, 209,
212, 213, 217, 218, 219,
220 221 222 226, 228,
230' 231,' 237 '
Confederates, embryo, 19, 21
Congress, 149
a patriotic, 17
Index.
269
Consumption, 61, 264, 265
Contortions, unsightly, 99
Copperhead, 32
Corduroy roads, 216
Corps^army, 70, 242
Corps d^'Afrique, 152
Cotton, 146, 149
Vicksburg, 113
Countersign, 49
Country, living off the, 87, 88
Court Pouse, Greenville,' 36
39, 40, 41
"Cracker-line," 101
Creoles, Louisiana, 149
Currency, national, 24, 149
State, 24
Dashed from my lips, 204
Dauphin Island,' 212
Davis, Commodore. 54
Dr. N. S., 126
Jefferson, 223
Death, a_ needless, 105, 106
mysterious, 246
sudden, 53
Deaths in hospital, 60, 61
De Crow's Point, Texas, 156
168, 169
De Shroon's plantation, 40, 76
Delaware, 14
Democrats and the Civil V\2.-
201, 203
Departure from, home, 40
Desparation, Southern, 223. 224
Diarrhea, camo. 160, 166, 25°
260 ■■
principal causes of, 46, 47
treatment of, 162
Diet, an invalid's. 175
sick, 150
Discouragement, 59, 14-0
Disease classification, 259
Diseases, of dieestive orcran<:
262, 263 '
enthetic, 265
of respiratory oreans, 26'^
263 ' "
prevalent, 155, 166
Division, our, 67, 70
hospital, 97, 112
Division, Hovey's, 93
Loring's, 235
Doctors, Confederate. 179 257
Federal, 81, 123, 126, 177 ^58
"Dog" tents, 203, 2C4
Donnell, Capt. Denny, 178
Douglas, Senator Steohen \
29 - - -
Dramatic, 136
Dress parade, 55, 207
Drilling, 51, 52
Drinking-water, 169
Drugs, 97, 129, 130
"Dusky" tA-phoid, 157
Duties, 49, 50, 57, 228
medical, 58, 205
"'Dysenteric-diarrhea," 162
Dysentery, 162, 163, 259, 260
"Eagle Regiment," 91, 92
Edwards Station, Mi^s 9^ Q4
Ellet, Col. Chas., 115 ' ' '
Col. John A., 120
Eloquent clerg^Tnan, ZZ, 34
Emon-, General, 146, 149
Enemy, an old, 180
first night in his count-^v-
198, 200
the, and mulberries, 230
"Enemy, the," 217, 218, 235
Enlistment of the author 30
32
Erysipelas, 60
Eyangeline's countn-, 145, 156
iLxecution, a miiitarv-. 143, 144
Expert mechanics, l'50
horsemen, 203
Explosion of ammunition,
of steamboat, 142, 143
Farragut, Commodore 120
185, 202, 212, 213 ' '
Federal Union. 11, 68
Federals, 79, 83, 95 97 18'
212, 216, 219, 225, 257 '
l^ever, continued, 261, 262
malarial, 260
typhoid, 62, 137, 138, 139
261, 262
typhomalarial, 261
270
Index.
Fevers, eruptive, 262
Fire, our "first baptism" of, 82
Firewood, expensive, 147
First battle, 78
'•First blood," 81
Flag, Pocahontas, 37, 38
presentation of, 36, 37
of 45th 111., 113
Regimental, 38
Flint, Dr. Austin, 126
Fo-eman, a single, 182
Food, 46, 47, 87, 88, 137, 149
Foraging, 87, 88, 89, 149
"Forbidden fruit," 171
Forest Queen, 72
Fort Bisland, 145, 146
Blakely, 218, 219
Danelson, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26,
250
Gaines, 212
Henry, 23, 26
Huger, 225
Morgan, 211, 212, 213
Moultrie, 12
Pickering, 56, 57
Pillow, 54, 223
Tracy, 225
Fourth Michigan Cavaln,-, 239
Frank Leslies, 188
Franklin, La., 149
Fredericksburg, 59
Freemont, Gen., IS, 43, 201, 20'
French people, 149
Frost, Gen., 19
Furloueh home, 172
"Game" to the last, 225, 226
Gangrene, 256, 257, 258
"Garden-sass," 187
Garlic, 42
Germans, 42
General, a swearing, 62, 82, 83
Georgia, secession of, 11, 209,
239
"Gibraltar of the West," 66
Gold, 24
r^roT^ri r„,u m;=c 7^ 7r ra
Grant, Gen. U. S., 13, 21, 22, 27,
64, 67, 82, 83, 87, 108,
115, 139, 140, 143, 201,
221
an original story of, 68
first seen, 67
Green, Miss Sarah, 37
Greenbacks, 24
Greenville, 111., 33, 35, 36, 37,
39, 40, 175, 184, 249
Gross, Dr. S. D., 126
Grover, General, 146
Guard dutv, 49, 50, 57, 228, 238,
239 '
Gulf, Army of, 176
Gulf of Mexico, 168, 210
Gunboat, "dummy," 119, 120
Gunboats, 26, 67, 72
Gunn, Dr. Moses, 126
Haines' Bluff, 78
Halleck, Gen., 27
Hampton Roads, 26
Hard times landing, 76
"•Hard-tack," 74, 147, 214
Harper's Monthlv, 188
Weekly, 28, 188
Hemorrhage, 255, 256
Henry Clav, 72
Henrv, Samuel, 208, 209
"^--rald, 188
xierrine: and seasickness, 210,
211
Hiawatha, 73
"High-old-times," 174
Hodgen, Dr. John T., 126, 180
"Hoe-cake," 220, 227, 234
"Hog," with hair on, 234
Holidays, 171
Holly Springs, Miss., 64
Holmes, General, 71^
Holmes' plantation, 71
"Home Again," 183
Home, President Lincoln's, 43
on furlough, 172
Hood, Gen. J. B., 95, 210
Hooker, Gen. Joe, 92
Index.
271
Hospitahcorps, 112
divisan, 97, 112
in a church, 150
in field, 69, 77, 89, 129, 144,
150, 177
R. R. trains, 254
regimental at Memphis, 60,
65
service, mv first, 58, 134
steward, 206, 243
Hospitals, base, 253, 254
Hovey, General, 93
Hovey's division, 93
Human life cheap, 142
Hunt, Lawrentia, a comrade,
186, 187
Hurlburt, Gen. Stephen A., 35
Hynes, Rev. T. W., 33, 34
Illinois, 13, 20, 34. 121, 172, 184,
202, 205, 206, 207, 20S,
209
'llinoistown," 24S
Illusion, an, 240
Indiana, 34
Indianola, 117. 119
Infection, 104, 105, 127, 131
Injustice, an, 205
Instruments, sursrical, 97, 130,
131
Invalid, I become an, 167
Invalidism, tedious, 178
Iowa, 94, 202
Irwinsville, Ga.. 239
Island No. 10, 10, 26
Ives, Lieut. Charles, 158
Jackson, camp, capture of, 18
General Andrew, statue of,
63
Governor Claiborn F., 14
Miss., 90, 96, 112
January, D. A., _70
Jimps, Jabez, 195
Johnny's rations, 220
Johnson, Captain W. H., 83, 84
Charles, 34
Johnston, Gen. Toe E., 90, 91.
107 m ^^'i ->'"' -^-^
Joke, good one on a comrade,
7.9, 80
"Jones," a newsy character,
25
Joy of meeting comrades, 183
July 4, 1861, Z},
Kansas, 34
Kennard, Major George W.,
121
Kennedy, Mr., 232
Kentucky, 14
Knapsack, medical, 130, 131
"Lady" Beauregard, 96
Davis, 96
Price, 96
Lake Port, La., 205
Ponchartrain, 205
St. Joseph, La., 74. 75
Lafayette, 72
Lancaster, 120
Lawler, Gen., 95
Lecture, I receive a, 79
Lee. Gen., 201, 210, 221, 227,
236, 242
"Legal-tender," 24
"'Letter under fire," 216, 217
Letters, Confederate, 216, 217.
231, 235
Life, active, best for soldiers,
154
hum.an, cheap, 142
Lincoln, Pres.' 13, 14. 17, 21,
23, 24, 25, 32, 33 34. 35,
141, 202" 203"'
Lincoln's Emancipation Proc-
lamiation, 87, 195
Lister, Dr. Joseph, 127
"Little Mac," 23
Logan, Gen. John A., 35, 82. S3
Louisiana, 237, 246, 248
Creoles, 148
secession of, 11
Louisville. 72
Lyons, General, 18, 19
Macintosh Eluft, 228
Maggots. 105
272
Index.
Mail in war-time, 11, 12, 231,
235
Mailbag, Confederate, 231, 235
Malingering, 154
Mansfield, La., 176, 177, 178,
184
"March to the Sea," the, 209
Matagorda Bay, 160, 170
Matron, our hospital, 61, 62
Mattress of cane, 107
McBurney's Point, 45
McCauly, James A., 232, 233
McClellan, Gen. Geo. B., 23,
29, 39, 201, 202, 203
McClernand, Gen. J. A., 27, 82,
83. 98, 112
McPherson, Gen. J. B., 63, 90,
91, 98
Measles, 59, 160
Mechanics in regiment, 150
Medical books, 128
knapsack, 130, 131
studies, 142, 243
Medicine, the wrong, 170, 171
Medicines, 97, 129, 130
Memphis, naval battle of, 54
Tenn., 52, 65, 70, 125, 135,
158, 160, 182
Merrimac, 149
Messmate, a worthy, 208, 209
Michigan University, 124
Miles, J. W., 2&
Mill Spring, battle of, 21
Miller, James M., 127
MiUiken's Bend, La., 66, 67, 121
Milk, bitter, 89
Minnie balls, 131, 132
Mississippi, 77, 143, 246
flotilla, 115
River, 42, 52, 53, 76, 77, 146,
147, 148, 246
secession of, 11
Missiles, character of, 252, 253
Missing, 246
Missouri, 14
medical college, 123
war in, 18
Mobile, 210, 213, 216, 225, 226,
227, 229, 230, 232, 233,
241
Mobile Bay, 213, 225
Point, 211, 212
Moderator, 150
Money, Confederate, 109, 110
hard, 24
paper, 24
Monitor and Merrimac, 26, 27
Morbidity, 258, 259
Morganza Bend, La., 187
Mott, Dr. Valentine, 126
Moultrie, Fort, 12
Mound City, 72
Mouth open opportunely, 222,
223
Murfresboro, battle of, 59
Music, old-time, 15
Musket, Austrian rifled, 52,
131, 132, 207
Enfield, 131, 132, 207
Springfield, 131, 132, 207, 252
Mussey, Dr. Reuben D., 126
Natches, Miss., 115
Na\T, Confederate, 230, 237
Federal, 76
"Negro-Bill," 223
Negroes, 141, 152, 182, 223, 224
New Iberia, La., 146, 155, 172
New Orleans, 143, 152, 155, 156,
172, 173, 185, 205, 209,
210, 211
New words, a swarm of, 27
News, sad, 61
war, 12, 176, 178
Night, after battle, 84, 85
Niles, Colonel Nathaniel, 189
Nixon, Mrs. Victoria, 235
Officers, commissioned, 126
field, 123
in colored regiments, 141, 152
line, 123
non-commissioned, 126
staff, 123
Ohio, 35, 105, 202
army of, 22
"Old Glory," 38
One hundred and thirtieth
Illinois, Z7, 51, 76, 77, 80,
83, 95, 157, 205, 209, 242,
247
Index.
Orders, marching, 72>
Organization, army, 70
Osterhaiis, General, 93
Our first "'battle, 76, 87
mess, 56
regiment, 51. 52, 55, 66, 67,
80, 83, 157, 205, 209
Parting with friends, 40
Pasteur, 127
Patriotic clerg}'ma_n, a, 33, 34
Patriots, young, 35
Patrol duty, 57
Pattersonville, La., 145
Paymaster, the, 197
"Peace men," 202
Pemberton, Gen., 76, 139, 140
Philosophy, Aunt Tilda's, 196
Picket duty, first, 52
Picknicking by the other fel-
low, 51
Pierce, Rev. W. G., 68
Pittsburg Landing, battle of,
23, 27
Pluck, Southern, 220
Pocahontas, 111., U, 30, 31, Z7,
38
Pope, Gen. John, 26, 27, 39
Pork, toasted, 74
with hair on. 234
Port Gibson, 78, 79, 84, 86, 87.
222
battle' of, 78, 84, 96
Port Hudson, 90, 115. 119
Porter, Commodore, 119, 120
Potomac, array of, 23
Prevalent diseases, 155, 166
Prisoners, 21, 109, 110, 219
Pritchard, Colonel, 239
Procession, a dreary, 70
Pyemia, 258
Qtiarles' Brigade, 232
Quartermaster, 53, 126
Queen of the W'tsl, 115, 120
Railwav, a dilapidated, 205 Sailors, 67
Wabash, trip on, 48, 49 Sand underfoot, 213, 214, 215
Ralph. Thomas, 133, 138, 170, Sanitarv commission, 188
'171, 187 I "Saviour," 141
18
Ransom, Gen., T. E. G., 177
" ''Rastus," 195
Rations, 47, 198, 214
Rations, Johnny's, 220
Rawlins, Gen., 68
Ra\'TOond, Miss., 92
battle of, 91, 96
Reading matter, 188, 189
"Rebellion, the great," 14, 144,
178, 207
Red River, 176-177
Reflections, a night's, 84, 85
Refugees, Union, 20
Regiment, composition of a,
123
our, 51, 52, 55, 66, 67, 80, S3.
157, 205, 209
Regiments, some new, 48, 50
Reid, Colonel John B., 37, 184
Remarkable experience, a, 113,
114, 208, 209
Rendezvous at Greenville, 111..
35 44
Belleville, 111., 41, 42
Report, a serious, 143
of Captain George W. Ken-
nard. 121, 122
Resection, 99, 254, 255
Restored, 242, 24^3
Retrospect, a, 243
Rheumatism, 264
Richmond, Va., 29, 226, 227.
231, 237
La., 71
Ride, a lonesome, 155
River, the (see Mississiopi
River).
Roads, bad, 74,_ 215,^216
corduroy, 215, 216
Robert Louis Stevenson, 174
Rosa Bonheur, 123
Rosecrans, Gen., 59
Rouse, Captain, 207, 208
"Running" the blockade, 72, 7Z,
115, 122
274
Index.
"Scared," 182 ^
School, last days in, 12 ■
Scott, Gen. Winfield, l4, 35
Seasick, 156, 210, 211
Secession, 11, 27
Seven days' battle, 29
Seventy-seventh Illinois, 68,
205, 206. 207, 208, 209,
242, 243
Sharp shooters, 83
Shelby's, 190, 195
"Shell, an empty," 209
Shell wounds, 133
Shenandoah Valley, 202
Sheridan, Gen., 202
Sheridan, Gen. P. H.. 237
Sherman, Gen. Wm. T., 57, 66,
90, 98, 101, 202, 209, 234,
236
Shiloh7 battle of, 22, 27
Shoeless, 172, 173
"Showed fig:ht," 221, 222
Shreveport, La., 177, 237
Sibley tent, aj_ 56
"Sick-call," 153
Sickness, 47, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62
Siegel, Gen. Franz, 18
Si.^ler, Dr. Wm. F., 125
Siiier, 24
Silver wave, 72
"Six himdred thousand more,"
29, 31, 35
Slave States, 14, 15
-traders, African, 237
Slavery, 32, 91, 95, 224, 237
Sleep, too tired for, 74
the sweetest, 74
Smith, Gen. E. Kirby, 237
Gen. A. J., 70, 91
Miss Mollie, 37
Smith's plantation, 73
Soldier, a serious, 40
dies on boat, 53
disappears mysteriously, 245
executed, 143
experts, 150
life at Camp Butler, 43, 52
wounded accidentally, 55, 73
Soldiers, become officers, 206
colored, 141, 152
Soldiers first seen, 20
Soldiers' health, 125
Soldiers' meetings, 68
soliloquy, a, 85
Some captured Confederates,
153
Some stray shots, 203
South Carolina, secession of,
11, 12, 18
South Mountain, battle of, 39
Southern desperation, 223, 224
hospitality, 228, 229
pluck, 220
Republic, 237, 238
S}TTipathisers, 18
Southerners in earnest, 17
in the Northland, 34, 35
Spanish -Fort, 216, 219, 225, 233
Spectators, many, 54
Spring, approach of, 63
Springfield, 111., 40, 41
musket, 206, 207
Spurr, J. W., 113, 114
Stafif, commissioned, 126
non-commissioned, 126
Standard, 188
Star of the West, 119
State capital, order from, 40
States, free, 14
slave, 14
Steamboat burned, 187
death on, 53
explosion, 142, 143
"on wheels," 149
Steamboats, protected, 73, 182,
183
loaded with soldiers, 57, 58
■Steele, Gen. Francis, 218, 225
^, 'ouis. Mo., 20, 42, 52, 92,
136, 173, 182
"Stray shots," 123
Street, Harlow, 58, 158
Stronghold, a Confederate, 96,
109
Sugar-mills, 148
Sundav, a never-to-be-forgot-
ten, 219
"Sunny South," 75
Supplies, Confederate, 115
Index,
2Y5
Surgeon. First Assistant, 123,
126, 131
Major, 44, 123, 126
• Second Assistant, 123, 126
Surgery, Civil War,
"Survival of the fittest," 60
Sutler, 170, 171,' 198, 200
Swearing, and swearing, 68, 82,
83
Swett, our "landlord," 107
Swett's plantation, 97, 107
Switzerland, 120
Sword of Damocles, , 179
Sword wounds, 133 l -
Tarrand, Commodore, 237
Tavern, at the village, 36
Taylor, Gen. Richard, 146, 230,
236
Teche Country, 145, 156, 162,
163
Tecumseh, 212
Tedious invalidism. 178
"Tenderfoot" a, 213, 214,' 215
financial, 198, 200
Tennessee. 53, 66, 212, 228, 246
army of, 113
department of, 141
Tensaw River, 225
Tetanus, 256
Teuton drill-master, 51, 52
Texas, 113, 156. 168, 169, 194
secession of, 11, 156, 168, 237,
246 _
Thanksgiving:, 155
Thieves, victim of, 79, 172, 173
Thirteenth Corps, 70, 76, 82,
90, 91. 94, 96, 98, 155,
213, 226
Thirteenth Corps and Hos-
pital, 112
Thomas, Gen. Geo. H., 209,
210
Thrill, a, 245
Time that tried men's souls, 59
Tombigbee River, 228, 230
Torpedoes, 212, 219
Transports (see Steamboats).
Troops, call for 600,000, 29
colored, 141, 152, 222
Troops, colored, assault by,
222, 223
first call for, 13
new, 4S, 50 ■
Truce, 111
Tuberculosis, 61, 264, 265
Turpentine emulsion, 159
orchards, 215
Twentieth Illinois, 121, 122
Typhoid fever, 62, 137, 138,
139, 244, 245
"Unconditional Surrender
Grant," 150--. -
Unitcrms, firsr, :49, 52
Unusual cases, '251, 252
"Ups and Downs," 242, 243
Vandal, a, 63
Vandalia, 111., 175, 181
Van Dorn, 54
Gen. Earl, 227, 228
Vermillion Bavou, 150, 152
Vicksburg, 34,' 57, 58, 59, 64,
84; 86, 89
campaign, review of, 139
ordered to vicinity of, 66
siege of, 96, 109
surrender of, 109
Victoria Nixon, Mrs., 235
Visitors, Northern, 113
Volumes, some stray, 188, 189
Volunteers, character of, 35
Vote, not allowed to, 202
War, Civil, breaking out of, i3
War Democrats, 20, 33
news, 12, 176. 178
progress of, 17, 30
War's harvest, 16, 191, 193
\\^arrenton. Miss., 101
Watts, Governor, 234
Webb, 117, 118, 119, 121
Webster, Daniel, 11, 171
Weitsel, Gen., 145, 146, 149
Welcome home, 245, 246
Whistle, a long one, 53
Whistler, 226
White River, 203
Miss Lucy, 30
276
Index.
White, Samuel, 163
Wife, a soldier's, 163, 178, 179
Wilcox, Dr. L. K., 123
"Wildcat" money, 24
Wilkins, Dr. David, 82, 124
Williams, Gen., 185
Wilson's Creek, battle of, 20
Wisconsin, 91, 92, 202
Womanhood, 61, 62
Wood, Dr. George B., 126, 159
Wood, young, victim of ty-
phoid, 158
Woodward, Dr. J. Janvier, 160,
161 '-- .\ '')'/'■-
Wounds, '98/ i06, 150,v 'iSi;- 250,
253' ^ " - ■'"
Wounds, accidental, 55, IZ, 133
bayonet, 133
peculiar, 99, 105, 106 "
shell, 133
sword, 133
treatment of, 104, 105
"Yankee," a shrewd, 208, 209
Yazoo River, 101, 106, 161
"You All," 233
Zeiglqr. Dr.- 177
Z^llicpffer.^Qen., 21
Zodij.ve. drill, 207, 208
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